Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“We recognise that we are now a diverse, multicultural society and that the Programme for Government needs to deliver for everyone, regardless of their background.”
“If we are going to deliver for our communities, we need to ensure that our way of governing reflects our changing society. <BR /> <BR />As regards issues related to the Executive Office, we welcome the work on the mother-and-baby institutions. We would have liked to see, written in the document, the memorialisation programme for the victims and survivors of historical institutional abuse and recognition of the ongoing issues for victims and survivors of the Troubles, not least with the ill-fated Legacy Act. <BR /> <BR />We will keep pushing for meaningful delivery above and beyond what is set out in the Programme for Government. We do not want to see our society continue to be defined along sectarian lines.”
“<BR /> <BR />On reform, the Alliance Party recognises that the three overarching missions are important, but, in our consultation response, we stressed that peace and peace-building should have been better integrated into all aspects of the document. We welcome the introduction of the delivery unit hosted within the Executive Office. Like my South Belfast colleague, I look forward to hearing more about what that delivery unit will do and how it will influence the reform and transformation of our public services as that is taken forward, agreed and, most importantly, bedded in. <BR /> <BR />We cannot hope for a shared society without reforming our public services, but we also need to reform the institutions. We will continue to push for that within the Executive.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to maintain a system of government that is fit for purpose in the post-agreement era. Whilst we recognise that there are some underwhelming factors in the Programme for Government, we acknowledge that it is a mandatory coalition. We submitted our own consultation response, and it is right and proper that people can see where the Alliance Party would have gone further in certain aspects of the final document. <BR /> <BR />Let me be clear that the Programme for Government should not and must not be the height of the Executive's ambition. It sets out a bare minimum for what the public should expect, and it should not be regarded as a complete list for ministerial delivery.”
“The Committee will now begin its work on the PFG and, as a first step, will receive a briefing from the Department at its meeting later this week. It looks forward to playing its part in scrutinising progress on the actions in the document as they unfold. We will examine the indicators of progress and seek meaningful outcomes for our communities. <BR /> <BR />I will now make some remarks as an Alliance Party MLA. As I said, I welcome the publication of the Programme for Government. I put on record my party's appreciation of the community and voluntary sector stakeholder organisations that responded to the consultation. We appreciate that those responses can be time-consuming matters, and it is important that we recognise the effort put in.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee's view was that the targets in the PFG should have been set through engagement with the relevant Assembly Committees. The Older People's Commissioner and the Northern Ireland Youth Assembly raised the issue of the representation of older people and young people respectively in the PFG. The Committee will explore, among other things, how the Executive plan to make the PFG accessible and meaningful for everyone in Northern Ireland.”
“There is also a need to ensure that reporting is based on progress on indicators towards targets under the priorities set out in the Programme for Government. In looking at accountability and transparency, members thought that the PFG should tie Ministers to outcomes and that it should be linked to the Budget. Linking the Budget and the PFG is a challenge, not least because of the differing timescales, and the Committee will explore with officials how that may be achieved. The Committee's view was that a full equality impact assessment (EQIA) should be produced, together with a report on the consultation responses, and requested a copy of that report so that it could be circulated to Assembly Committees before the final PFG was considered. We will follow up on those issues as part of our scrutiny of the PFG.”
“The Committee heard evidence from the Department on the consultation responses and from the Older People's Commissioner on the Programme for Government and received written input from the Youth Assembly. The Committee collated the responses and submitted them to the Executive Office to inform the development of the final Programme for Government. The other Statutory Committees will speak for themselves. The Committee has not yet had the opportunity to meet to discuss the final PFG, so I will confine my remarks to high-level themes from the Committee's work on the consultation. <BR /> <BR />In relation to monitoring and reporting on the PFG, the Committee is keen to stress that progress has to be measured with relevant indicators, using data with a firm baseline that may be comparable to other jurisdictions.”
“I thank the First Minister and deputy First Minister for tabling the motion and for the briefing that the Deputy Chair and I had with them earlier. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the publication of the 'Programme for Government 2024-27'. It is a long-awaited document — it is more than 10 years since the previous Programme for Government — and the Committee has sought to engage in the development process. In October 2024, the Committee wrote to the other Statutory Committees for their views on the consultation on the Programme for Government. The Committee received responses from the Committee for the Economy; the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs; the Committee for Justice; and the Committee for Infrastructure. The Committee for Communities agreed to give individual party responses.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer to my question. Will you outline the benefits of having a climate commissioner here in Northern Ireland?”
“As Mr Butler referenced, we need to think about what housing needs to look like to ensure that people can live comfortably at home for longer. In fact, we need to look at things like skills development as well, so that we have the health and social care workforce that is necessary to meet the demands. <BR /> <BR />We need to ensure long-term sustainability and resilience in public services. We need to ensure that our old people are allowed to contribute and participate as active citizens for as long as possible, but they need support from government in order to do so.”
“The motion's reference to the "wider population" hints at that and the fact that it will suffer if we do not begin planning for an ageing population now. <BR /> <BR />If we consider the issues as being about not just an ageing population but population decline, we see that we need to hone in on where the strains on the public services are, as Ms Sugden referenced in her opening remarks. However, that is not the only issue. A declining population would shake many of the assumptions that we currently include in the development of public policy. That affects not only the type of health and social care services that we offer and how those are paid for but how we adapt a host of other public policy issues, such as the design of our planning system and how we develop infrastructure so that there is less pressure for new builds.”
“That presents them as being passive service users rather than active citizens. Last month, a population projection by NISRA and the Office for National Statistics suggested that Northern Ireland's population will peak by as soon as 2033. NISRA emphasised that that was a projection, not a forecast, and that there was significant evidence to suggest that the date could be rather later than that. However, the peak will surely come before the middle of the century. It is already the case that, for example, the number of children in Northern Ireland is declining, and, as we speak, we are just passing the point at which there are more over-65s than under-16s living in Northern Ireland. Indeed, already, one in six of the population is aged 65 or over, and over-65s account for most of the population growth.”
“That has significant consequences for how we adapt and change resourcing in order to sustain public services and, indeed, prioritise the right things when developing legislation and public policy. <BR /> <BR />I had not included the issue in my written speech, but I welcome the comments from Mr Kingston, Mr Butler and others on the digital inclusion piece. Increasingly, we see that people can only access public services online, and we need to be mindful of the cost and complexity of accessing information and services online. People need to pay for their Wi-Fi, computer equipment and smartphones, and we need to be mindful of the fact that pensioners do not always have the funds to do so. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party has long publicised its concern that older people are too often seen primarily as being consumers of public services.”
“We need to think increasingly of our healthcare system in terms of what is known as "50-40", which is how we ensure that people who reach the age of 50 and who can reasonably expect to live for another 40 years are supported as much as possible to do so and do not live those four decades in poor health. We have already seen some reshaping of our healthcare system, and we need to move forward on our general healthcare policy and ensure that the ageing population is at the forefront of that. <BR /> <BR />More broadly, I will focus not only on the contributions of older people but on the challenges and opportunities of which the motion speaks, in the important sense that we are approaching the stage at which our population will peak.”
“I support the motion. I very much welcome the subject matter in the motion from Claire Sugden. The Alliance Party has a manifesto commitment to include in the Programme for Government outcomes for an ageing population, so of course we will support the motion, particularly that element of it. <BR /> <BR />The motion speaks of, "pressures on healthcare, social care" and other issues. Other Members will cover those, as some have already done. I wish to emphasise one element in the area, and not just because I have just passed the age of 50. We are in what is defined by the UN as the decade of healthy ageing.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your statement. I very much welcome the updates on the halts at Belfast City Hospital and Queen's University and the advancement of the works along Bankmore Link. You mentioned the Lagan pedestrian and cycle bridge. Will you give us an update on that? <BR /> <BR />I will pick up on your point about the business stakeholder reference group. You will know that the thriving businesses along the lower Ormeau Road area are concerned about the lack of places where vehicles can stop and make deliveries. How will you and your officials address that so that the works will not negatively impact on those businesses?”
“I appreciate that TEO officials are working on its draft form, but signing off on it would send a strong message to everyone in society because of the importance given to it by our two First Ministers. We all need to be leaders in our constituencies and stand up for the marginalised and vulnerable, among whom are asylum seekers and refugees who have come to our country because of our freedoms and protections. We cannot let some destroy that for everyone.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let me be clear: as the Justice Minister noted in the Chamber yesterday, we do not accept that the risk of injury should be part of the job of policing. Police officers are public servants. We should, therefore, all be concerned that there may be a repeat of the violence in March and be mindful that our front-line police officers would bear the brunt of it. It is one thing for misinformation to be spread online but quite another for it to be spread in the Chamber. Members have a responsibility to act and speak in a manner that keeps all people safe. <BR /> <BR />The Executive Office's draft refugee integration strategy was consulted on in November 2021, but there is no sign of it yet from the First Minister and deputy First Minister, with no credible explanation.”
“What harm do they speak of? My recollection of the fallout from the previous protest last summer was that people were intimidated in and out of their home. Many businesses were burned to the ground, and hotels were damaged. Neighbourhoods were vilified and branded as racist and intolerant. Thirty people were charged, including young people between the ages of 14 and 16. International student numbers were down in our two universities, such was the worldwide reporting of the incidents. Most worrying were the physical attacks: at least 10 police officers were injured, and many individuals were attacked just for going about their daily lives, including a young man to whom I spoke, who was chased by four men and had his head stamped on. That is what harm looks like.”
“In recent days, some in the Chamber may have seen on social media the graphic for the dual so-called peaceful gatherings that are due to take place in Belfast and Derry on 23 March. Let me be clear: we in the Alliance Party absolutely support and respect the right to peaceful protest. However, I am gravely concerned about the language used in the graphic, which states:”
“Thank you for your question. No, we have not heard anything more. The Maze/Long Kesh Development Corporation is, however, mentioned in that long list of commissioners and board members who need to be appointed.”
“I appreciate that his focus is very much on budget allocations and spending, but I would like him and his officials to be mindful of the fact that delays to services, programmes and providing support really impact on our most marginalised, our most disadvantaged and our most vulnerable. There may be spending delays, but public money will have less impact the longer that such projects and programmes are delayed.”
“The Committee looks forward to being consulted on how the Department will spend that money and to being involved in the decisions on future spending and on setting funding priorities. Indeed, we anticipate hearing from the Department in detail about those spending plans shortly. <BR /> <BR />I will make one point in my capacity as an Alliance Party MLA. The Minister of Finance will probably be aware that there is a long list of commissioners who need to be appointed. There is a similarly long list of draft strategies and reviews to be signed off in the Executive Office.”
“<BR /> <BR />The victims and survivors of that abuse are adamant that the institutions must pay out. The Committee fully supports that position and continues to put pressure on the Department to use whatever levers are necessary in order to ensure that that is the case. It is a theme to which the Committee is compelled to return. We will have legislation this year for an inquiry into mother-and-baby institutions and a redress scheme. We may well have the same for historical clerical sexual abuse in the future. Those are things that need to be done right, however, so resources must be made available for doing so. <BR /> <BR />The draft Budget for 2025-26 suggests that there will be an uplift in the coming year of £84 million for non-earmarked resource DEL and £155 million for earmarked resource DEL.”
“By the time that the redress scheme closes to new applications in April of this year, it is estimated that £100 million will have been paid out or allocated from the block grant to cover its costs. Despite constant questions from the Committee, we still have no idea of how much the institutions will pay back to the public purse. We know that some of them have made interim payments, but we have no idea of how much has been paid or the degree to which the institutions will contribute to future requirements for specialist services such as mental health support for victims and survivors. Although the state was also culpable for what happened to the most vulnerable people in our society, we should expect the institutions to contribute and the process to be transparent.”
“<BR /> <BR />Although the total amounts are relatively small, the Department deals with some of the most sensitive issues in our society: victims and survivors of the conflict; victims and survivors of historical institutional child abuse; victims and survivors of mother-and-baby institutions; and fostering good relations between our communities. The Committee strives to ensure that the resources for those things are sufficient and that the money is well spent. While financial scrutiny has been applied to questions of small amounts of spending, the Committee has been particularly exercised about how payments through the redress scheme for historical institutional abuse are to be recovered from the institutions that were responsible for the terrible ill treatment of children.”
“I welcome the Finance Minister to his new role and wish him well in it. <BR /> <BR />I will make some comments on behalf of the Committee for the Executive Office. The Department has a relatively modest budget, starting with a flat-cash resource DEL budget of £182 million. According to briefings by the Department, that was revised to £183 million in June and to £187 million in October. The spring Supplementary Estimates now show an expected resource DEL spend of £194 million, along with £22 million capital DEL. It is important to note that the majority of that money has been earmarked for things such as support for victims and survivors of abuse, which means that the Department has very little wriggle room when expected to manage budgetary pressures.”
“Will the Minister please outline when the international relations strategy will be updated to take account of the change of Administration in the US, which, in recent weeks, has been aggressive towards its neighbours and others?”
“There were further curiosities, some of which have already been rehearsed, such as the bar on holding surgeries elsewhere in the constituency other than in the constituency office, although they were largely resolved by the 2020 amendment to the 2016 determination. I reinforce that there will be a call for evidence by the Ad Hoc Committee on which we may seek an extension and that there will be a public consultation on any draft determination. The recent public commentary that there will be no opportunities for public input is therefore simply wrong. <BR /> <BR />I commend the Bill's progress to its next stage.”
“There is no requirement for that share to be the same in any particular jurisdiction, as the precise nature of the role of a legislator varies somewhat in each institution, and that will be something for the remuneration board to consider, as Mr Clarke has already outlined. <BR /> <BR />It is worth reinforcing why the 2016 determination led to such difficulties. It reduced maternity and sick pay, reduced annual leave for employees to the minimum statutory level, made the terms of employment unattractive and, bizarrely, allowed an office address to be displayed on an office sign but not an email address or a telephone number.”
“<BR /> <BR />There has been some public commentary that seems to derive from the point that the Bill will allow former MLAs to sit on the remuneration board and requires the board to have regard to the salaries payable in other legislatures. On the first point, it seems wise to have people who know the job assessing how those carrying it out should be compensated; indeed, it was arguably that lack of knowledge that led to the provision made in respect of MLAs' offices that caused such practical difficulties in the past. On the second point, it may simply bring us into line with Scotland and Wales, where salaries are determined as a share of an MP's salary.”
“The motion introduces no changes to the allowances of Members or former Members, nor do allowances paid to former Members make up a significant share of the Commission's budget. <BR /> <BR />That motion was intentionally scheduled to coincide with the introduction of this Bill. The Bill is a formal mechanism under which the power to determine allowances is separated from the power to determine salaries and pensions, even though, in practice, that is already the case and has been since 2020. It is worth re-emphasising that the Bill ensures that the salaries and pensions of Members will continue to be determined by an independent body. Therefore, the Bill will provide for coherent arrangements for the salaries, pensions and allowances payable to Members and former Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />For absolute clarity, a fortnight ago, we heard that, on 30 June 2024, the Assembly passed a resolution to confer on the Assembly Commission the power to make determinations on Member's allowances. The resolution was passed in accordance with section 47 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998. However, no resolution had conferred functions on the Assembly Commission in relation to section 48 of the 1998 Act, which provides for payments to be made to former Members. Two weeks ago, we provided the authority for the Commission to determine allowances to former Members, most notably winding-up and resettlement allowances, securing that through a motion that delivers consistency for the Assembly Commission to make determinations for a full range of allowances payable to Members both current and former.”
“I support the Bill. It is effectively an amending Bill that ties in with two motions passed by the Assembly: one in June 2024 and the other two weeks ago. As Trevor Clarke has outlined, those motions made a technical addition to the Assembly Commission's functions in line with decisions previously agreed by the Assembly. As Members will recall, it means that the Assembly Commission will determine the allowances paid to Members, but an independent body, named the "remuneration board" to clarify its purpose, will determine salaries and pensions. That is consistent with decisions previously made by the Assembly, and I will briefly set out some background for the benefit of Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is about time that we saw the full dismantling of our so-called armed groups. It is about transforming attitudes, structures and relationships by taking the findings of the study and ensuring that paramilitary groups no longer have any influence over our communities.”
“The study revealed the significant levels of trauma that continue to impact on our communities across the generations. The report emphasised that 60% of Northern Ireland's adult population reported at least one traumatic childhood event, with nearly one in five experiencing four or more. <BR /> <BR />Of particular concern is the finding that 30% of respondents reported conflict-specific adversities, which highlights the continued long-term impact of the Troubles. Importantly, the research underlines the need for trauma-informed approaches, particularly in socially and economically disadvantaged communities, where those challenges are most concentrated. The research provides us with crucial evidence that childhood trauma, including paramilitary-linked trauma, continues to negatively impact on individuals across their lifetime.”
“Beyond that, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission stressed the importance for the Executive Office, working alongside other Departments and the PSNI, to tackle the growing links between paramilitarism and the rising incidents of racism, xenophobia and coercive control in our communities. In recent years, we have seen evidence of those links to such crimes in Northern Ireland, and that cannot go unaddressed. <BR /> <BR />For the first time, the true extent of childhood trauma and its impact on the people of Northern Ireland has been documented. Last week, at the launch of a groundbreaking study commissioned by the Executive programme on paramilitarism and organised crime, Justice Minister, Naomi Long, shared the stark findings of the research.”
“and organised crime and to establish monitoring:”
“I rise to talk about an ongoing issue that remains too prevalent in Northern Ireland and that continues to undermine the peace, stability and progress of our communities. That issue is paramilitarism, its intergenerational impact and the urgent need for a coordinated response to eradicate it from our communities once and for all. One of the recommendations in the annual statement of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission calls on the Executive Office and the UK Government to keep their eyes on the issue and ensure the allocation of:”
“<BR /> <BR />Most of all, we must reflect that the ongoing and unnecessary loss of life in that locality over the years brought with it a heavy toll on all those involved and everyone in that community. Democracy and the rule of law must prevail so that we never face such a toll again.”
“<BR /> <BR />When we look back at such events during the Troubles, we face two particular challenges. First, we can be inclined to forget that all those who were killed had families and loved ones who were greatly affected by the profound sense of loss and grief. Secondly, while we struggle to define exactly what sort of conflict it was, it should also be evident that the Geneva convention applies to all combatants, including those of the state. We should indeed recognise that it is incumbent on us all, as democrats, to acknowledge that the use of lethal force is specific to well-defined circumstances, even in war and certainly in security operations. We live in a country where those issues are assessed independently, and that will always be important in ensuring that the rule of law is paramount.”
“What happened in February 1992 was yet another appalling event during the Troubles. The mid-Ulster area, in particular, bore a horrifying toll throughout that dark period in the number of attacks on security forces and civilian deaths and injuries. It must be said that, by 1992, it should have been long evident that there was no future for the type of ambush that the IRA attempted that day. Sadly, it was not the end of IRA activity there; indeed, it was part of an overall cycle of violence in the east Tyrone and north Armagh locality that cost many lives at a time when such loss of life was achieving nothing but another cycle of grief and bitterness. To be clear, I have no sympathy at all for the actions of the IRA in Clonoe 33 years ago this week; no democrat should. They were not creating a new future; they were stealing it.”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. You mentioned the duplication of services: could you give an assessment of your understanding of how that duplication increases the carbon footprint?”
“That is why we have seen decline in our public services in far too many ways. However, I agree with Brian that a cast-iron commitment never to resign is impractical. The purpose of our amendment is to say, "Look, there will be circumstances in which Ministers have to resign". Conor Murphy resigned a while back and again today for legitimate reasons that were not to destabilise the institution. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, Timothy Gaston drifted off-topic and continued to mislead the House. It is interesting that he talked about the motion's scope, given that he keeps referring to my trying, at that infamous Committee meeting, to bring him back to the First Minister's departmental role and responsibility rather than her responsibilities as the Northern leader of Sinn Féin. <BR /> <BR />Moving on —”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I absolutely agree that it should be up to the people of Northern Ireland to take forward any change. Our party's reflection is that, when the Assembly was first created, we had only a small number of MLAs but we now have 17. Our mandate is growing and will continue to grow. We feel that we and the people who vote for us are disenfranchised by the current system. <BR /> <BR />Brian Kingston talked about the need to maintain devolution but then made what seemed to be a contradictory argument: that we should leave the institutions in place with the ever-present risk of collapse. He said that we should deal with the bread-and-butter issues, but, given that the Assembly was down for five of the past eight years, we were not dealing with the bread-and-butter issues.”
“I will just make this point. <BR /> <BR />That is not the first time that the Ulster Unionist Party has not read our amendment. <BR /> <BR />Go ahead.”
“<BR /> <BR />I agree with Robbie Butler that the St Andrews Agreement was a step in the wrong direction, although it demonstrated that reform is possible, contrary to what some claim. However, he was wrong to talk about political wish lists. Frankly, it appears that he did not read our amendment —”
“Michelle also raised the importance of doing it in a managed way, and I put on record the fact that my party leader, Naomi Long, recently wrote to the British and Irish Governments to raise again the need for reform. <BR /> <BR />If we accept Emma Sheerin's view that we have made some good progress, there should be no delay in confirming that her party will not collapse the institutions and, indeed, agreeing a system that disables any minority party from doing so. Likewise, Harry Harvey made a case for two DUP Ministers' work over the past year. If their work has been so effective, there should be no delay in ensuring that devolution cannot just be collapsed.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. While agreeing that we would like to get on with governing rather than just administering, as Matthew O'Toole said, there is a case for raising the simple reality that meaningful change takes time. I am sure that he will agree that his colleague Nichola Mallon, when she was Infrastructure Minister, realised that when she was on the previous Executive. <BR /> <BR />Michelle Guy set the tone well by emphasising the scale of the challenge caused by collapsing the institutions, which is why it is essential to address the ability to use the sectarian veto to collapse the whole thing. It should have been apparent to the SDLP long ago, not least from the absence of any Executive Office Ministers at the debate, that appeals to Sinn Féin and the DUP will be ignored.”