Paula Bradshaw
South Belfast · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“They were places where those who were vulnerable were concealed, young mothers were stripped of their babies and children were stripped of their identities. Let us be resolute in our remembrance of what happened behind the doors of those institutions.”
“At all stages, the Committee has set out its clear support for the legislation's overarching aims and principles, which are to establish a statutory public inquiry into the systemic failings associated with mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses between 1922 and 1995 and to create a statutory redress scheme for t…”
“Again, I refuse to call them "mother-and-baby homes", for we now know that there was nothing homely about them. What the Bill can and must do is offer a tangible declaration that the state accepts its responsibility.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Final Stage of the Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill.”
“Key points were also made in relation to redress: the need to ensure that the Executive Office introduces clear guidelines for the scheme as soon as practicable; the need for the Executive Office to widely communicate and promote the scheme to all victims and survivors, including those who live overseas; and the need for the Executive Off…”
“The First Minister and deputy First Minister tabled a number of amendments that gave effect to the Committee's intent across a number of clauses. In several instances, the Committee chose to withdraw its amendments in favour of the Ministers' wording, where that better reflected the broader book of the law.”
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“It has a healthy mix of people from different backgrounds, socio-economic groups and ethnicities. Some people have lived there for a lifetime and are now enjoying their retirement in their mature and well-manicured gardens, living cheek by jowl with families who have recently moved into beautiful new homes across the large number of housing schemes that have transformed Castlereagh South. <BR /> <BR />The consequences of the growing population in the Castlereagh South area are being borne by the people who live there. As has been mentioned, there are huge pressures on the road infrastructure. Most of the Members who have spoken so far have mentioned the south Belfast rapid transit route. I really would appreciate some clarity and information on that from the Minister this evening.”
“The schools are welcoming and inclusive, and they work collaboratively and effortlessly every day. Lastly, we have an area that is blessed with proactive and engaging church communities that do sterling work in creating community cohesion, giving local residents a sense of common purpose and addressing issues such as loneliness and poverty. Kate and I had a lovely morning just this weekend at the Cornerstone Methodist Church, which was making fundraising efforts for Chest, Heart and Stroke. They do great work not just for the community but for local charities. <BR /> <BR />Castlereagh South is an area to be envied. Its wards are ranked amongst the least deprived in Northern Ireland; in fact, the Carryduff West ward is the second least deprived.”
“I thank my Alliance Party colleague, Kate Nicholl, for securing today's Adjournment debate. <BR /> <BR />I have represented South Belfast since 2016, and it has been such a joy to see the Castlereagh South area flourish during that time. We have seen retailers, small traders and hospitality businesses go from strength to strength, meeting the needs of the growing population. Membership of sports clubs, such as Newtownbreda Football Club, Carryduff Colts and Carryduff GAC, is growing and bringing people together to play, volunteer and socialise. Community organisations, such as Killynure Community Association, Carryduff Regeneration Forum and the Four Winds Community Group, all work with the statutory authorities, the council, the police and, of course, our elected reps to improve their local neighbourhoods.”
“Thank you for your statement, Minister. You said that you will write to councils to outline their obligations under the Houses in Multiple Occupation Act (Northern Ireland) 2016. I think that council officers know exactly what their obligations are. I have worked very closely with residents in the Holylands over many years, and they feel that the legislation is not fit for purpose. Will you undertake a wider review of the legislation to establish whether it is fit for purpose and a proper consultation with those who are impacted on and may feel that their community is changing?”
“I will submit Assembly questions to that effect this afternoon, but we need political leadership from the First Minister and the deputy First Minister.”
“We cannot overestimate how important it is for us to get it right going forward. I have written to the First Minister and the deputy First Minister through their private office to request that the meeting be set up as soon as possible. <BR /> <BR />We have seen delays in this place, in Northern Ireland, around supporting those impacted on by historical child abuse and delays in support for those who went through the mother-and-baby institutions. We have to learn from that, because we cannot let down a new cohort of victims and survivors of historical clerical child abuse. I hope that the First Minister and the deputy First Minister will convene the meeting, publish the research with the associated recommendations and bring to the Assembly a ministerial statement on how they intend to take the work forward.”
“I feel a deep sense of frustration over the continuing delay in dealing with historical clerical child abuse in Northern Ireland, which needs to be dealt with urgently. At the start of the summer, the long-awaited commissioned research on that abuse was submitted to the Executive Office. I have been contacted by a member of the survivors' reference group to say that the group is very concerned that a meeting has not yet been convened between the chair of the interdepartmental working group and the First Minister and the deputy First Minister. The concerns that the representative raised with me included the fact that nine of the 10 recommendations associated with that research relate to safeguarding.”
“Thank you for your answer. I suppose that success will be shown in how well the businesses respond to it. What further support will you provide directly to the businesses and in collaboration with the night czar, Michael Stewart, to make sure that it is a success?”
“Given the change of focus of the new legacy proposals that are put forward in the joint framework, what work will your Department do with others to ensure that we see delivery of sustainable, long-term reconciliation on this island?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. About a year ago, in the Chamber, I asked for an update on the strategy, and I was told then that we would have it soon. Are you confident that the strategy will be forthcoming in this mandate?”
“Thank you. I am concerned that what the Member has picked up on are the immediate pressures on spend. An investment strategy would allow for longer-term thinking so that bigger projects could be delivered.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to send a clear message that we are serious about delivery through an investment strategy. The draft investment strategy 2025 needs to be brought to the Executive and signed off. We need to get it published. I will leave my remarks there.”
“The absence of a strategy is not just a failure of planning; it does a disservice to our taxpayers and ratepayers who fund our public services. In turn, without a clear framework, MLAs on our scrutiny Committees are unable to hold Ministers to account and scrutinise how billions of pounds of capital investment are spent. The Strategic Investment Board (SIB) has the statutory responsibility and expertise to lead on that work, but it cannot do so effectively without clear political leadership from the Executive. Publishing the strategy would give the authority and continuity that is required to allow the board to move forward with planning and delivery, even in times of uncertainty. As we know, we have political stalemate and ineffectiveness at certain times during our mandates.”
“Scotland and Wales already have clear, long-term frameworks that set out their priorities, and they are delivering on them, yet Northern Ireland continues to fall behind, not because we lack ability or ambition but because we lack coordination and leadership. We are very much just as capable as those other parts of these islands when it comes to setting and delivering on the standards that are required by our constituents, but we must prove that through delivery. <BR /> <BR />Every week, we hear in the Chamber what happens when there is no investment strategy. Departments are moving out of sync, working at different speeds and competing for resources instead of collaborating. That is entirely counterproductive, and it undermines the efficiency of government here.”
“Between 2019 and 2023, the estimated cost of major capital projects rose by almost 40%. Waste water capacity has stalled thousands of new homes across all our constituencies, and I can certainly think of some examples in South Belfast. Key transport and regeneration projects, such as the Belfast Rapid Transit route through South Belfast, require investment and planning. We have faced repeated hold-ups and uncertainty, and the leader of the Opposition highlighted some of those examples in his speech, such as Casement Park. <BR /> <BR />Other parts of these islands are not standing still. The Republic of Ireland's national development plan commits over €160 billion to infrastructure investment.”
“That is a missed opportunity to think long-term about not just physical infrastructure but technological investment, digital connectivity and climate resilience. <BR /> <BR />The previous investment strategy covered the period up to 2021 and guided capital investment worth around £21 billion. Since then, in Northern Ireland, senior officials across the various Departments have been operating without a strategic framework and road map to enable them to plan effectively and deliver value for money, and the consequences of that failure are plain to see. Infrastructure pressures are worsening, projects are delayed and the costs continue to rise every month as the priorities drift. However, the cost of inaction is measured not only in money but in missed opportunities and loss of confidence.”
“When the draft investment strategy was put out for consultation in early 2022, people, rightly, expected that the Assembly would follow through to produce a clear, costed plan showing how public money would be prioritised and spent. Instead, the Assembly collapsed, and although Executive Office officials reviewed the consultation responses, the process stalled. The Executive, as we know, were restored in February 2024, and the Programme for Government was launched in February 2025; and there was, rightly, an expectation that the investment strategy would be produced and published to sit alongside it. Yet, almost five years after the original commitment, we still have no published strategy.”
“I support the motion because a case for an investment strategy for Northern Ireland is actually one of the most urgent and important issues before us. It is a test of our ability to plan for the future and not just react to the present. Like many across the Chamber, I share real disappointment at the continued failure to publish and implement it. As I said, we will support the motion, despite the inclusion of the words "petty rows". <BR /> <BR />The commitment to a new investment strategy was first made in 'New Decade, New Approach', with the aim of providing a clear framework for planning our hospitals, schools, transport links, housing and digital infrastructure. It was meant to give Northern Ireland a long-term road map for sustainable growth, looking as far ahead as 2050.”
“What do you think that adds to the motion? It distracts and just looks like petty politicking.”
“Thank you, Matthew, for giving way. We will support the motion, but we take exception to the line in it that states:”
“Thank you. I am pondering your words about areas where flags go up. As you know, I am bringing forward a Member's Bill. Are you saying that, where the majority of people in an area do not approve of flags going up, they should not go up?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. As you know, my party is keen to see large-scale institutional reform of the Assembly and the Executive. Are you saying now that you would be fully supportive of us in changing the way that we do government here so that we cannot have that stop-start approach to government here?”
“The proposed Bills require every Department to work to the highest standard and to introduce legislation that is well considered, well drafted and fit for purpose. When we get legislation right, it lasts. It builds confidence, not only in government but in politics itself. People want to see that the Assembly can work and that we will listen, act and deliver laws that make their lives better. This year's legislative programme is a chance to prove that we can move beyond division and deliver practical and progressive outcomes. I want to see an Executive who deliver with purpose, a Committee system that holds them to account and an Assembly that can be proud of the work that it produces.”
“That is an example of how lawmaking can match ambition to delivery when Departments work together. <BR /> <BR />I remain concerned, however, about the pace at which some Bills make progress. For example, a public consultation on belief marriage and on raising the minimum age at which people can legally marry ran from November 2021 until February 2022. That was several years ago, which underlines the gap between consultation and legislative delivery. A consultation on divorce and the dissolution of civil partnerships that was launched in June 2025 shows that some of those elements are still under review. People expect follow-through and delivery after a consultation. <BR /> <BR />The legislative programme gives the Executive a real opportunity to deliver for people and communities, but only if ambition is backed by delivery.”
“As was reported in the media today, almost 2,300 hate crimes were recorded in Northern Ireland last year. As is often noted in the Chamber, those statistics are but a shadow of the true number of people who suffer from and live with discrimination and marginalisation in their communities. The race equality Bill is essential, because it will update and strengthen race equality legislation. <BR /> <BR />There are other legislative priorities that deserve attention. The fisheries and water environment Bill will help to modernise the management of our water systems, improve quality and protect Lough Neagh.”
“Let this legislation programme be a turning point, where words become action and action delivers real change. <BR /> <BR />I will now make some comments in my capacity as an Alliance Party MLA. We welcome the legislation programme. We recognise that it contains 21 Bills across Departments. While it looks impressive on paper, I concur with the leader of the Opposition's concerns that some Bills are a carry-forward from last year's legislation programme. What matters now is that those listed Bills are brought forward. <BR /> <BR />I want to focus on the long-overdue race equality Bill. It is now almost 30 years since the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order 1997 was introduced. Northern Ireland has changed profoundly in that time. We are now a more diverse and multicultural place, as I can see clearly in my constituency of South Belfast.”
“<BR /> <BR />We look forward to hearing more details of the upcoming race equality Bill, which, given recent events at home and abroad, will be vital legislation. The Committee will work to ensure that the legislation is not only well-intentioned but workable, inclusive and responsive to the needs of our diverse communities. Racial equality is one of the most important issues in our society today. It is central to building a fair and compassionate society. I urge the Executive Office and the wider Executive to maintain transparency and engagement throughout the legislative process. The public must see not just what is being proposed but how it will be delivered and evaluated. I reaffirm the Committee's commitment to constructive scrutiny and partnership.”
“As Chair of the Committee for the Executive Office, I welcome the opportunity to address the Assembly on the legislation programme motion. As this is my first opportunity to speak in this capacity since Ms Bunting's promotion to junior Minister, I congratulate her and thank Pam Cameron for her work in that role. <BR /> <BR />The Committee welcomes the Executive's legislative intentions for the rest of the current mandate. We acknowledge the ambition that is reflected in the 21 Bills that are being proposed. Those span critical areas, from environmental protection and fisheries reform to debt respite and social inclusion and protections for victims of crime. We commend the Executive for setting out a clear framework, but we must now ensure that ambition is matched by action, and our Committee stands ready to play its part.”
“Minister, can you give us the 2025-26 target for rates collection?”
“Finally, there is the question of trust. If all the data is put in one place, it will be a huge target. People are right to ask who will hold the information, how secure it will be and what it will be used for, but perhaps those questions are for another day. The proposal may be worth pursuing by others across the UK, but it is an issue of identity and everyday life here. <BR /> <BR />At the weekend, we saw what people in Northern Ireland think of the proposal. While social media posts and press statements are important and influential in a way, it is important that we address the issue in the Chamber so that we, as elected representatives to the Assembly, can put our opinions on the record. I thank everyone in advance for their contributions.”
“That sits at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement. Forcing everyone into a single UK identity card system risks completely cutting across that right, reopening questions and tensions that should be left protected and untouched. Furthermore, there is the blatant issue of practicality in day-to-day living here in Northern Ireland. Thousands of people live in the South and work in the North, and vice versa. As we often see with UK legislation that is applied to Northern Ireland, none of that appears to have been thought through with regard to the realities of our existence here.”
“Right-to-work checks, visa controls and employer liability rules address the majority of that perceived problem. Furthermore, making it a mandatory requirement will not automatically prevent fraud: it will just promote a dangerous narrative and shift the blame. I think that most people here can see straight through that, and that it will just not work for Northern Ireland. In fact, in the past few days, I have been struck by how many people in the Chamber and beyond, in political parties, have commented on the issue. It is infrequent that we see so many politicians here singing from the same hymn sheet. I look forward to hearing other people's contributions. <BR /> <BR />We have a particular settlement here in Northern Ireland. People are entitled to be British, Irish or both. It is an individual's prerogative.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, for accepting this Matter of the Day. <BR /> <BR />On Friday, the Prime Minister announced plans for a UK-wide digital ID card scheme — a so-called BritCard — that people would need in order to prove their right to work. My honest interpretation is that the scheme is trying to fix a problem that does not really exist. There is no wave of people slipping through the net that justifies such a heavy-handed approach. To me, it looks less like a practical solution and more like a political gesture that plays into an ever-growing and dangerous anti-immigrant agenda, rather than dealing with the real issues that people face here and across the UK. We do not need a digital ID card to tell us who can work and who cannot; that system already exists.”
“When will the Minister and his party take responsibility by taking action to protect our workforce and save our health service?”
“I am saying that if the Minister came here with his priorities and set out how he wanted to prioritise his money and the priorities for his Department, we would support him, but he has not done that.”
“The point that I was making was that this should be the number-one priority, because we do not have a health service without our health workers.”
“I am nearly finished. I will just leave it there. <BR /> <BR />Our health workers have to watch on as their counterparts across the UK receive their pay awards, whilst our staff, who are just as dedicated, hardworking and under pressure, are feeling undervalued. <BR /> <BR />I will give way. I have time. Go ahead.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Thank you, Minister. The point that I am making is that you can make assumptions about how pay awards will shift with those negotiations and inflation. Yet again, our health workers have to watch on as their counterparts across —.”
“Not once has the Minister taken responsibility for the fact that, in reality, he could find the money for those pay awards if he wanted to, if he simply prioritised it at the beginning of the Department's budget-setting process. I think that other Members have mentioned that today, and it is something that the BMA has also highlighted. <BR /> <BR />We have said it before and we will say it again: there is no health service without a workforce. Instead, the Department continues year-on-year to hand a blank cheque to the health trusts, allowing them to spend whatever they need at the expense of other elements of healthcare, including staff pay.”
“I have some sympathy in that two of those years were spent without a functioning Assembly or Executive due to the political whims of one party. The fact remains, however, that the health service has only continued to decline during those years. The Minister claims that he does not have the budget to cover pay awards for health workers, and the motion is a clear attempt by his party to shift the blame. When will the Minister accept that it should be a matter of prioritisation for him and his officials? The Health Minister rolls out the sound bites, but not once has he provided any kind of a priority list of how he will spend his budget, which, I remind Members, is over half of the overall Executive Budget.”
“It is with great frustration that I speak on the motion. I am confident in saying that I do not believe that anyone in the Chamber will disagree with the need to ensure that health workers receive a proper wage for the work that they do. Indeed, it is only due to the commitment and dedication of the staff that we still have a public health service. Without their sacrifices, the long hours, the unacceptable workloads and so on, the health service would have long since collapsed. The BMA put it best when it stated recently that the health service cannot continue to be run on the goodwill of staff. <BR /> <BR />The great irony today is that the party that has held the Health portfolio for the past six years is the party that tabled the motion today.”
“You have tried to goad us into a response. I have made it very clear that my focus, today and every day, is on the victims and survivors of the Troubles, and I will do everything that I can to move this country forward on the premise of trying to achieve reconciliation on this island of Ireland. That is where my focus is. It is not about political point-scoring in this Chamber.”
“It reaffirms the Assembly's position, recognises the failures of the current arrangement, and calls on the UK Government to ensure that any agreement with the Irish Government commands the confidence of victims and survivors. Without that confidence, no legacy mechanism can succeed. <BR /> <BR />Legacy is a contentious issue for a reason. It is not easy, but we owe it to victims and survivors to approach it with honesty, compassion and practical solutions. The days of the politics of appeasement need to be placed behind us so that we can achieve meaningful and sustainable reconciliation on the island of Ireland.”
“If such an inquiry goes ahead, there must be put in place robust victim support; access to counselling and legal advice; and, above all, a coordinated, all-island approach to evidence-giving, so that families are not forced to unnecessarily duplicate statements. <BR /> <BR />In light of the recent agreement between the Irish and UK Governments, we have a new framework: a proposal for a reformed legacy commission, repeal of the immunity scheme and the reopening of inquests that had been stalled. That deal has the potential to deliver for families that have waited for decades. It offers us a real chance to deliver on the commitments that we are discussing. The overall direction of the amendment is right.”
“Thank you. <BR /> <BR />That is my frustration with this entire debate. These motions are tabled, and we have a ding-dong in the Chamber. Victims and survivors and their families look on in absolute disgust and horror at the childish behaviour in the Chamber. Can we please move on and put them at the heart of our work here, through the Executive Office Committee and its programmes and other departmental responsibilities? It is nauseating. <BR /> <BR />The amendment focuses on one issue: a separate public inquiry by the Irish Government. I am conscious that that could result in victims and survivors being asked to give evidence more than once, and that that carries a real risk of re-traumatising families who have already endured that pain for more than 25 years.”
“I am going to vote for an amendment that puts victims and survivors at the centre.”
“I totally agree that everybody who was involved in the Troubles should come forward with the evidence that they have. Do you not think that I find absolutely abhorrent what the IRA and others did to Northern Ireland? I hate it every day. I want to see reconciliation.”
“Thank you for that. I was ready for that question.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I feel that the amendment better places the emphasis on the lived experiences and realities of victims and survivors here. Of course, there must be cross-border cooperation, and, of course, legacy issues are an all-island responsibility, but that means working together to put victims first, not using them as pawns in a political contest. I was struck by a comment that a witness made at a Committee session on this very issue. He said — I am paraphrasing more than anything — that we will not see reconciliation on the island of Ireland unless both Governments step up to the plate and provide the information and evidence that they have. That needs to be at the heart of this.”
“Excuse me. I will be heard in the Chamber. Thank you.”