Steve Aiken
South Antrim · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, as well as the move to reduce the cost to the Assembly of vacant non-domestic properties and to increase liability so that we will not have so many vacant properties, you will be aware of the Dilapidation Bill and of the conversations that have been taking place in Wales and Scotland about…”
“Instead, that most dysfunctional Department, under the most inept Sinn Féin Minister in the Northern Ireland Assembly and a series of grossly over-superannuated permanent secretaries, gave the money back.”
“We know that her Department spends more on legal cases, fighting judicial reviews and being chastised by judges for legal ineptitude and on vesting land and ripping out hedges and fencing and then trying to unvest it and paying even more money to put back the fences and hedges that it took out.”
“We can hardly blame the current permanent secretary, as she has just taken up her post, but, surely, her predecessors must bear some accountability or responsibility, especially considering the senior civil servants' salary scale of between £146,000 and £163,000, with, of course, their taxpayer-funded pension contribution of 34·2% — £218,…”
“It must be said that £181·3 million is a lot of taxpayers' hard-earned money. It is money that is raised from local commuters, vehicle owners, farmers, local businesses, logistics companies and, above all, our constituents — those vital people whom we are elected to represent.”
“The Minister will be aware that, under the public appointments guide published by the Executive Office, it is clear that she is supposed to take independent advice before appointing board members. What independent advice did she receive, particularly about the board members selected?”
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“What will our full implementers say about how to stop that from impacting on the Northern Ireland agriculture sector?”
“However, no one should fall for the siren calls from some, most notably the same full implementer protagonists, that Northern Ireland somehow has the best of both worlds. Any recent growth that we have had, welcome as it is, has, as Ulster University said last week, come largely from professional services, the public sector and, in a very limited way, manufacturing. The majority of that, as we all know, is not covered by the Windsor framework. We delude ourselves by pretending that we somehow are in a uniquely positive position. We have only to look at the recent Mercosur agreement between the European Union and South American countries, which the Irish Farmers' Association (IFA) said would grant market access to hundreds of thousands of tons of poultry and beef at a zero-rate tariff and decimate the Irish and EU beef and poultry sectors.”
“We gave a copy of our ideas to every stakeholder to whom we talked, and they were many. Nothing that was our view then has since changed. You cannot argue that we have offered no alternative when we have done so continuously. At no stage did our proposed deal envisage the imposition of an internal border within our nation, and those who advocated, at the behest of a mendacious Prime Minister, that this trade protection measure was a sensible option and a sound idea, should continue, regrettably, to hold their heads in shame. Boris Johnson, in his recent memoir, admits that he put too much faith in Leo Varadkar and the EU playing fair, so a charge of naivety can be added to the one of mendacity against him. <BR /> <BR />Regrettably, we are where we are.”
“Others, who sought just to punish the United Kingdom for having the temerity to leave the EU, took a maximalist approach and made the economic sovereignty of Northern Ireland the price of any agreement. Meanwhile, we took every opportunity to make the case for a pragmatic, minimalist and mutually beneficial agreement. In that, I regret to say, we failed. <BR /> <BR />We sought to create a deal that did not create a growing divergence or that doubled bureaucracy but one that allowed continuous access to human and veterinary medicines, to the flexible use of state aid and to an all-island energy market. We definitely did not advocate costly border control and customs-checking infrastructure such as that which is being built in Larne, Belfast, Warrenpoint and Holyhead, with money that could be better spent elsewhere across our nation.”
“On every occasion, Lord Empey and I made the case for an agreement that was as minimal-touch as possible, asking those who were supposedly negotiating for us to recognise that there was very little, if any, risk to the European single market from Northern Ireland. As members of the Ulster Unionist Party, which led on creating the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, we knew how destabilising an overzealous deal would be to Northern Ireland and to the wider all-island and all-islands relationships. <BR /> <BR />Our advice fell on deaf ears. One can but ask why. Some, in the case of Leo Varadkar and Simon Coveney, despicably sought to mislead and raise the spectre of a return to violence if there were even any minimal checks on the EU border.”
“We never joined the SDLP, Sinn Féin or the Alliance Party in seeking full implementation of the protocol, regardless of the impact that that would have on all of us. For clarity, we advocated Remain in 2016, but, as democrats who believe in the United Kingdom, we accept that our nation as a whole voted to leave. Since that date, as well as accepting the result, we have therefore striven to see a pragmatic deal delivered. <BR /> <BR />We engaged extensively, much like the leader of the Alliance Party, in London, Brussels, Dublin and further afield, being in the room and talking, although I doubt that we were listened to, with Michel Barnier, Maroš Šefcovic, Rishi Sunak, Theresa May, Johnson, Frost, Davis, Enda Kenny, Leo Varadkar, Simon Coveney, Liz Truss and Micheál Martin, among others.”
“I thank the Members who have contributed to the debate so far. In some ways, it has been educational, but, in other ways, it has not been. <BR /> <BR />I will speak on the democratic consent mechanism and our party's opposition to the retention of articles 5 to 10 inclusive of the Windsor framework. I will talk about politics and the generalities and about the articles themselves. To preface our detailed remarks on the articles, I put on record our party's oft-stated and clearly stated opposition to the protocol and the imposition of the Irish Sea border. If Members do not mind, I will move around a bit. My knee is a bit sore. Do not worry about that. <BR /> <BR />Unlike some parties on both sides of the House, we always took the line of looking out for the best interests of Northern Ireland.”
“Mr Speaker, thank you for your words. Obviously, considerable issues have been raised about the comments that were made yesterday. I fully accept your ruling, and I apologise to the House. The only thing that I wish to do in the House is ensure that there is good order, good governance and, above all, proper debate. I apologise, Mr Speaker.”
“I thank the Minister for her remarks made so far. Further to her remarks just made about Reval2030, obviously, we have known for some time that LPS has been involved in a lot of preparatory work for that. Can the Minister indicate when we will be ready to go with Reval2030? With the preparatory work that has already been done, we should not have to wait until 2030 to reach that point.”
“Thank you very much, Minister, for your remarks so far. I will not give you a woo-hoo. Minister, it is good to see that you can utilise financial transactions capital. What sort of quantum of FTC is the Minister looking at applying for? Are the charities and associations suitably resourced to match it, within the FTC requirements?”
“On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, and a point of contention. I have been in the Assembly long enough to realise when people may be pushing boundaries. It is your prerogative, as Chair, to address that, particularly in relation to Mr Gaston. We need to apply that equally, however, and I do not see how Mr Carroll's comments about Israel and Hewlett-Packard are germane to the debate. Bearing in mind your previous comments about Mr Gaston's views, on which I support you fully, how can that be equitable?”
“The question is quite simple. Given that significant mismatch in pensions, at what stage will the Commission take the appropriate action and expedite the move by whatever form the pay and pension group takes. When will that happen?”
“I am getting there, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. It is important that I lay the groundwork before I ask the question.”
“I declare an interest as chair of the Northern Ireland Assembly pensions trustees. Thank you very much indeed for your comments. Obviously, there are considerable concerns among MLAs. Speaking, in some respects, as their shop steward on the issue of pensions, it is clear that Members' pensions are significantly out of kilter with those of Assembly staff, who, under their pension scheme, get contributions of, in some instances, close to 30%. Indeed, the staff in our offices get only in the region of 11%, which, again, is not —.”
“Minister, as well as FTC, you will be aware that Andy Burnham has been able to reach out to the likes of the National Wealth Fund and funding for GB Energy. Has the Minister tasked Neil Gibson and his merry bunch of staff to talk to people like Andy Burnham to see what we could do with other funding that seems to be there? Northern Ireland deserves a considerable chunk of those national funds as well.”
“As was referenced, England has already implemented an age limit and announced a new regulatory framework. I am sure that the Minister and Department of Health will be closely watching the developments in England. No doubt, there will be important learnings for us to take from the changes being made, and, resources permitting, I am sure that the Department here, just like its counterparts across the rest of our nation, will be keen to explore and make progress on the broader issue, because, ultimately, whilst it is important to strike a balance with consumer choice, consumer safety should be what matters most.”
“Therefore we support the motion. We also support the amendment because we have concerns about the risk to young people and perhaps, sometimes, those whom we would class as children of receiving such treatments.”
“My party and I, however, are concerned that there has been such growth in the sector, combined with such a prevalence of information online, that some people may be exposed to an unacceptable level of risk. Indeed, as the motion references, there has been an uptick in the number of complaints being made. Regrettably, the figures will include a number of people who have experienced serious complications as a result of treatments and procedures.”
“Although, on the whole, that is a positive, because people are absolutely entitled to spend their hard-earned money as they wish, the sector's rapid growth also carries with it risk. Even though treatments may be classified as non-surgical cosmetic procedures, they still entail making changes to people's physical bodies. It is therefore essential that, at the bare minimum, those undergoing such procedures have confidence that the treatments that they are receiving are safe and of a high standard. <BR /> <BR />Thankfully, the vast majority of treatments are perfectly routine and safe, and the majority of providers are entirely responsible.”
“The debate is topical and timely, and I thank the signatories to the motion for bringing it to the House. <BR /> <BR />In recent years, there has been a rapid growth in the popularity — indeed, even a greater normalisation — of non-surgical cosmetic procedures. A number of reasons lie behind the spike in demand. Perhaps one of its biggest drivers, alongside advancements in technologies and treatments, has been the rise of social media. People of all ages, but especially younger people, now effectively carry around with them 24/7 an infinite advertising display in the form of their smartphone. The cosmetic and personal care sector is booming as a result and is now more accessible than ever before.”
“I thank the Minister for his remarks. He might direct his officials to communicate particularly with Manchester, which is innovative in looking at some of the new funding mechanisms. There may not be a direct equivalence, but will the Minister approach Manchester or consider best practice across the rest of the United Kingdom to see whether there are opportunities, particularly as he spoke earlier about the amount of money that we will have to spend to get the school estate fit for purpose.”
“I thank the Minister for his remarks. He will be aware that a new interconnector has been given approval by Ofgem. That interconnector is important for the whole island's energy market and system. However, real concerns are being expressed about whether it is going to be delivered on time because of the length of time that it is taking for your Department to get out its energy strategy. Is there anything that the Department could do to speed up that process, so that we do not lose this great opportunity to improve the security of the energy supply not just to Northern Ireland but across all our islands?”
“That smacks of political parties being biased towards the acts of the ayatollah and Putin. Their omissions and concentration on Israel show a blatant and demonstrable antisemitism. Many across the Atlantic and in Brussels realise that Ireland has become a cesspit of antisemitism. It is time that all parties recommit to the principles of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's definition of antisemitism. Lest we forget, the Assembly agreed to them on 27 April 2021.”
“The march of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, sweeping away Assad's Syrian army as it heads towards Damascus while Assad, Iran, Hezbollah — what is left of it — and Russia try to stem the uprising, again, garners no commentary. <BR /> <BR />All violence, wherever it is, is wrong, but what is especially galling to those of us who desire peace across the Middle East and Europe is the hypocrisy of political parties that wilfully ignore the most significant wars, in which actual rather than perceived genocide occurs, actual rather than perceived famine is used as a weapon of war and real rather than perceived or propaganda-described ethnic cleansing is happening. Such things seem to matter to them only if they concern Israel. The activities of Iran, its proxies and Russia are ignored.”
“<BR /> <BR />Last weekend also saw the return of attacks by more of Iran's proxies, the Hutus, on shipping in the Red Sea. The attacks are a direct assault on international trade, our economy, our jobs and our energy prices here. Again, the non-condemnation of Iran and its proxies by many political parties in Ireland is most marked. The fact that the United States Navy, our Royal Navy and the French are keeping the sea lanes open should be supported by all political parties across this island, but, again, it is not. If Israel is not involved, such acts of terrorism are completely ignored. <BR /> <BR />The Syrian civil war has also reignited.”
“Over the past few days, a belated light has been shone on the genocide and war crimes that are happening across the Middle East, awakening some to the real and growing horror that is occurring there. However, the genocide, famine and war crimes being perpetrated in the Sudan have been going on since April last year, with the Sudanese army faction being supported by Iran, Hezbollah and Russia on one side and the Rapid Support Forces being supported by the UAE, amongst others, on the other. All sides have been documented as conducting murder and rape, using child soldiers and deliberately using starvation as a weapon. The lack of condemnation of those actions by political parties on this island has been in marked contrast to the near-continuous commentary on Israel's actions post the horrific events on 7 October 2023.”
“The Democratic Scrutiny Committee is, I am afraid, neither providing much democratic scrutiny or accountability nor even functioning much as a Committee. The people of Northern Ireland deserve much better of their elected Members.”
“<BR /> <BR />The purpose of Thursday's meeting was to ask whether we should hold an inquiry into the impact of such legislation. The public can view the responses of elected representatives, especially those of the Alliance and Sinn Féin members, but to not hold an inquiry just because the issue is complex or difficult to understand smacks not of due diligence on our part as a Committee but of just following a particular ideology. I have remarked before that the Committee is the most incurious that I have ever sat on. Its near-pedantic following of the letter of its terms of reference goes significantly against what the Committee's intent was clearly supposed to be, namely to act as a safeguard for the people of Northern Ireland. Yet again, for ideological reasons, the Committee has singularly failed to do so.”
“The advice that we received made it clear that, if enacted, the regulations could have a significant impact on everyday life in Northern Ireland. They mean that, if the EU calls an emergency, it has substantial powers over the provision and control of goods and other activity wherever the writ of the EU applies, and that includes Northern Ireland. The rules and regulations have primacy over UK law and any Northern Ireland legislation. There is no definition of what the EU describes as "an emergency". It could be another pandemic, another war like that in Ukraine or even, as explained to us in Brussels recently, a trade war with Donald Trump. Even though there was little detail or, indeed, input from our Departments, it was clear that the only proper scrutiny was done by Westminster Committees, and they had significant concerns as well.”
“On Thursday, the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee sank further into irrelevance. Before the Committee were regulation (EU) 2024/2747, regulation (EU) 2024/2748 and directive (EU) 2024/2749 — hardly tripping off the tongue. Those regulations refer to the European Union's Internal Market Emergency and Resilience Act (IMERA).”
“We need to be building up our defences and reinforcing our critical infrastructure as this war continues — a war that extends far beyond the Crimea, the Donbas, the skies over Kyiv and beyond. Defence and security are never cheap, but not investing in defence is the surest way to disaster. Spending 3% of our GDP on defence now is a lot better than having to spend 50% of it in a major war. Equally, to paraphrase that great European statesman, "Give us the tools, and we will finish the job". We should give Ukraine the weapons it needs and, more importantly, the authority to use them to make sure that this horrible war in Ukraine does not last for another 1,000 days. Maybe you will all join me in saying "Slava Ukraini".”
“As we have seen over the weekend in the Irish Sea and with the cutting of cables in the Baltic, Russia is in conflict with us right now. The term "hybrid war" is one that we must come to terms with and understand, as the Ukrainians have. The battle over social media, the attempts to manipulate the energy supplies, the cyberattacks, the sabotage and the deliberate heightening of tension by the use of useful idiots and fellow travellers voting against support for Ukraine in the European Parliament are just some examples of what is happening right now. <BR /> <BR />We do not have to wait for Russia to attack: in many ways, it is doing it right now. Freeloading on defence like our Southern neighbours is beyond scandalous.”
“Today marks a sad anniversary; it is 1,000 days since Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Putin and his military, his paramilitary forces and the proxies that he has employed from Iran, North Korea, Syria and elsewhere have been unable to defeat Ukraine, which is a testament to the Ukrainians' courage, tenacity and ability to fight the most brutal of attacks, launched with a degree of ferocity not seen on this continent since the Second World War. For the Ukrainians, it has become a war of survival. If Ukraine loses, there will be no Ukraine. The fate of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is such an event that can only be imagined, and judging by how Putin has steadily eliminated those who stand against him, it cannot be one that he is looking forward to. <BR /> <BR />This is not an abstract war far away.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. That was because we had only three minutes and I did not have a chance to get into it.”
“The question is this: why are officials in the Minister's Department talking directly to Becon to see whether it can adjust to the planning rules and regulations so that it can meet the requirements to go for this when it is very clear that whatever has been put forward is not going to work? Over to you, Minister.”
“I do indeed. I am getting to it, Mr Speaker.”
“I thank the — well, I think that I thank the Minister for his response. The issue, Minister, for everybody in the Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council area and the rest of it and, indeed, for his own MLAs, who have sat with me on platforms about Arc21 and what it has been doing about the Hightown incinerator, is the issue that has been there all the way through: there is no grid connection, no business case and no reason for this to be built where it is.”
“Thank you very much, indeed, Mr Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Will the Minister provide an update on the initiatives that his Department has taken this year to improve access to dental care in the Northern Trust and Western Trust, please?”
“Is the Minister able to provide an update on the initiatives that his Department has taken to improve access to dental care in the Northern and Western Trusts? That is just to keep the Speaker happy.”
“No. <BR /> <BR />Actions, Alliance, not words, would make your amendment more convincing. <BR /> <BR />The motion itself has a degree of merit, but we cannot support the options for representation that were identified in the SDLP press release and in its comments on the motion. We have left the European Union. Anyone with even the remotest concept of how that organisation works will clearly understand the improbability of our getting any representative voice in the EU Parliament. There is no strand four to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. We need to work to make sure that the Irish Sea border impositions are removed. <BR /> <BR />Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. That was four minutes on the dot.”
“No. While some will welcome the Damascene change in direction by the Alliance Party that the amendment points out, the reality, based on the voting behaviour in the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, is very different. Actions, Alliance, not words —.”
“Thank you very much indeed, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Indeed, that is probably the exception that proves the rule. We also need to bear in mind that the SDLP and Alliance both called for the full and rigorous implementation of the protocol. What has changed? Surely Alliance are not reverting to cakeism. The vehemence with which the Alliance leadership, particularly the deputy leader of the party before Mr Tennyson —.”
“Oh come on, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. OK, I will speed on then.”
“He then votes against, or does not vote for, an investigation. That is not representative of what a democratic scrutiny Committee should do.”
“As much as I enjoyed their company in Brussels last week — sorry, the week before; I need to be correct for Hansard — the key point is that on issues such as the EU waste management regulations, Alliance voted in the Committee against conducting investigations into their potentially significant impacts on Northern Ireland. The only Alliance Committee member who voted to support some form of investigation is no longer an MLA. Those decisions, as any dispassionate observer looking in on the Committee would see, are not because of the legal advice or what the industry has said. On many occasions, we have been told that the regulations will have significant impacts on Northern Ireland. To paraphrase Mr Tennyson at every meeting on virtually everything — I stand corrected; everything — Brexit has a cost.”
“I have two interests to declare. First, I sit on the euphemistically named Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee. Most Members will be aware of my view of that Committee. Secondly, for the avoidance of doubt, I voted Remain. I declare that in case people think all unionists were part of a monolithic block. <BR /> <BR />The Ulster Unionist Party will support neither the motion nor the amendment. In the short period of time that I have, I will concentrate mostly on the amendment. As a member of the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, I notice that Mr Tennyson and Ms Nicholl are in the Chamber.”
“Thankfully, Northern Ireland, as part of our nation, comes under NATO's protective umbrella. The rest of this island is defenceless, however, and it is only by the good graces of the Royal Navy, the Royal Air Force and the United States Navy that we have any sense of security at all. If anybody still doubted the perils of defence freeloading, last week should have been a wake-up call, although, for those who remain blind to the reality of today's threats from Mr Putin et al, I severely doubt it.”
“That ship, which is designed to find subsea infrastructure and to use underwater drones to either survey, tap or cut gas pipelines, fibre-optic cables and power cables, has been active before, probably cutting fibre-optic cables to Svalbard or in the Mediterranean off the coast of Cyprus, and her sister ships have been up to a lot of nefarious work in the Baltic Sea. <BR /> <BR />Last week, she paid a visit to the Irish Sea, and not just any part of it. Operating over cables that connect the Republic of Ireland to the United Kingdom, the vessel has been conducting operations that only the useful idiots protesting against NATO at Shannon Airport and on the pavement outside Queen's could consider benign. We need to be very aware of the critical vulnerability that this island faces from Russia and others.”
“Thank you very much indeed, and, yes, I am slightly over 55, Mr Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Members may not be aware that, over the past few days, we have had a very unwelcome visitor to our islands. I am not referring, as some politicians and journalists would, to the Chancellor of Queen's University, Hillary Clinton, whom I do welcome for her commitment to the university and Northern Ireland and for her steadfast support for Israel, holding Iran to account and Ukraine. There is absolutely no doubt that she has also become a figure of hate for those who would support Russia, Iran and their proxies in their intent to dominate and then destroy our Western system of peace and democracy. <BR /> <BR />That brings me on to our unwelcome visitor: the Russian naval ship Yantar.”
“I thank the First Minister and the deputy First Minister for their commitment to the North/South ministerial process. <BR /> <BR />On Horizon Europe research and the need to get more R&D funding for Northern Ireland and the island as a whole, were there any discussions about greater cooperation among the universities in Dublin, Belfast and those in the Golden Triangle, which include my old alma mater, the University of Cambridge, the University of Oxford and, of course, Imperial College London?”