Steve Aiken
South Antrim · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, as well as the move to reduce the cost to the Assembly of vacant non-domestic properties and to increase liability so that we will not have so many vacant properties, you will be aware of the Dilapidation Bill and of the conversations that have been taking place in Wales and Scotland about…”
“Instead, that most dysfunctional Department, under the most inept Sinn Féin Minister in the Northern Ireland Assembly and a series of grossly over-superannuated permanent secretaries, gave the money back.”
“We know that her Department spends more on legal cases, fighting judicial reviews and being chastised by judges for legal ineptitude and on vesting land and ripping out hedges and fencing and then trying to unvest it and paying even more money to put back the fences and hedges that it took out.”
“We can hardly blame the current permanent secretary, as she has just taken up her post, but, surely, her predecessors must bear some accountability or responsibility, especially considering the senior civil servants' salary scale of between £146,000 and £163,000, with, of course, their taxpayer-funded pension contribution of 34·2% — £218,…”
“It must be said that £181·3 million is a lot of taxpayers' hard-earned money. It is money that is raised from local commuters, vehicle owners, farmers, local businesses, logistics companies and, above all, our constituents — those vital people whom we are elected to represent.”
“The Minister will be aware that, under the public appointments guide published by the Executive Office, it is clear that she is supposed to take independent advice before appointing board members. What independent advice did she receive, particularly about the board members selected?”
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“I am looking directly at Mr Frew, because some people talk about issues, but, unfortunately, we need to get down to the technicalities of it. The most important things to improve are synchronicity of supply, security of supply and the ability for the system to be smoothed out effectively. The problem is that the more renewables you put on the system, the more potential there is for instability of supply and, therefore, the more baseload or inter-grid connection is needed to be able to achieve it. <BR /> <BR />Another significant problem in Northern Ireland is that, even though we are part of the Integrated Single Energy Market (ISEM), we need to be in an all-islands interconnection and distribution system if we are to do this effectively.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many people and, indeed, businesses in Northern Ireland are seeking to invest in microgeneration. However, some of the most innovative small-tech companies here are investing in microgeneration in Scotland, Wales and England because there is a clear policy and strategy for it and they are not being charged through the nose for grid connection. That is a significant issue that we must deal with and deal with soon because, otherwise, no matter how much we try to incentivise microgeneration and the rest of it, we will not be able to achieve it. <BR /> <BR />The second issue we must address is storage. We need to be able to incentivise microgenerators to have storage capacity. That is important to provide and for making sure we do not have peaking problems on the grid.”
“Unless we can answer the question about access to the grid and grid connections, it will not matter how much microgeneration we are able to do or what the tariff for it is. If there is no grid connection, it will not be able to move forward. Indeed, if you talk to anybody in the renewables industry in Northern Ireland, you will find that this is the standard refrain: when will we get equitable connection to the grid? The Utility Regulator and the electricity strategy that, I trust, will be on its way fairly soon from the Minister, are important. I also trust that the monopolistic position of NIE and SONI — or, indeed, should I say ESB and EirGrid? — will be looked at very closely here in Northern Ireland, because it is anticompetitive.”
“<BR /> <BR />One of the most significant issues that has been reported to me and probably to many MLAs is that, if you look at a similar attempt to get onto the grid in Scotland, where the contractor is likely to be from NIE, you will see that the contractor is also likely to use supplies that were taken from the same resources as everywhere else across the country, including electrical supplies, switching gear, cabling and all the rest of it. You will also see that, although that contractor works to the same outline planning policy, the costs in Northern Ireland will be significantly more. The fact is that some people are being requested connection charges via NIE of between £120,000 and £130,000.”
“It works in Denmark and, indeed, in other areas of Europe and across the world in places like California, where there is a specific responsibility for allowing easy access onto the grid and for the grid to deal with microgeneration at 50 kilowatt-hours. There are significant concerns across all of Northern Ireland about getting any form of grid connection with the monopoly supplier, which is NIE. There are considerable costs to trying to get onto the grid for virtually anybody who is considering renewable generation.”
“I make a declaration of interest. In previous roles, I represented renewable energy companies, grid suppliers and other companies. For my sins, I also worked on the UK energy strategy for a considerable time. Unfortunately, I worked on five strategies in the space of five years, and that shows that we are not quite where we should be. The answer on the 50 kilowatt-hours issue is that it is based on the international definition of microgeneration. <BR /> <BR />As Members heard from my esteemed colleague Mr Nesbitt, we support the Bill's moving to its next stage. However, I wish to raise a significant issue that I think might be addressed in clause 1, so the Bill sponsor might consider it. If I may digress slightly, he will be aware that, in Denmark in particular, microgeneration is particularly successful.”
“2) Bill would bring them into alignment but, more importantly, would actually begin to deliver what is required. <BR /> <BR />However, finally, we hope that, rather than proceeding with the two Bills, we can merge them to make an effective, durable and practical piece of legislation. I think that is what the Assembly wishes, and I think that is what the people of Northern Ireland want. I believe that, given the goodwill of the Minister and, indeed, of Clare, it is very achievable. We in the Ulster Unionist Party will give our best endeavours to make that happen.”
“Northern Ireland is a significant net exporter of agri-food products, with nearly 50% of such products that are produced in Northern Ireland being consumed in the rest of the UK. That will not change. The independent Climate Change Committee has said that, for the UK to reach the net zero target, a fair contribution from Northern Ireland would be an 82% reduction in greenhouse gases by 2020 compared with the 1990 levels. The Ulster Unionist Party welcomes that intervention from the independent committee, has accepted its recommendation and will target an 82% or better reduction in greenhouse gases for Northern Ireland as part of the ongoing climate action plan. Adding those amendments to both the Climate Change Bill and the Climate Change (No.”
“<BR /> <BR />Thirdly, in reporting against targets, we must have independent verification in order to build trust in the delivery of measures to ameliorate CO2 and methane emissions and other activities that contribute to the rise in temperature. That can only be achieved by the establishment of an independent climate commissioner and monitoring organisation — ideas that I encourage the Minister to take from the Climate Change Bill and incorporate in his Bill, if he and Ms Bailey will not reach an accommodation, which we encourage them to do. <BR /> <BR />Finally, we have the vexed issue of targets for greenhouse gas emissions that are achievable without undermining critical sectors of our economy.”
“<BR /> <BR />First, there has to be a clear and unambiguous statement that there is a climate emergency and that the Executive and their Departments will use the best peer-reviewed scientific advice to deliver solutions to adapt to and mitigate the real challenges that are ahead. <BR /> <BR />Secondly, we must have an independent climate emergency commissioner with responsibility for monitoring the climate action plans, reviewing the implementation of the Bill and making recommendations to the Executive. The Executive Office must be mandated to address the issues that are raised by the commissioner. It must be an all-Executive responsibility.”
“Creating an effective legislative framework with realistic and achievable targets, backed up by an independent commissioner with the necessary ability to oversee and shape our responses, is the only option. <BR /> <BR />We believe — I say this now — that the Minister and Ms Clare Bailey, of whose Bill we are co-sponsors, need to work together to merge their Bills in order to achieve goals that we as a party will seek to advance by amending both Bills if the Bill sponsors cannot agree on the practicalities of combining their efforts. Many in the House would like to see that agreement happen.”
“The Ulster Unionist Party supports the Climate Change (No. 2) Bill. We also support the Climate Change Bill. It is clear to our party, having taken a wide range of soundings, that there is a need for climate emergency legislation. Northern Ireland must not be the only part of our nation or, indeed, of these islands and beyond not to have specific legislation. We do not have it, and we are way behind. <BR /> <BR />Not to have legislation will impede our economy, prevent future-proofing of our planning and strategic development and considerably undermine our people as they deal with the existential threat posed by the climate emergency. Doing nothing is not an option. Denying the climate emergency is not an option. Somehow discounting the science and scientific advice is not an option.”
“Thank you very much indeed. It was quite interesting that you mentioned the CCC's report. Will the Minister lay that report, which was put before the Executive, in the Library? I understand that there is a considerable amount of information in it that we have not seen yet. It might be useful for all Members to see that when we are making up our minds about the Bill.”
“What assurance has the Minister had on the continuity and security of supply? Does that assurance mean that we do not have to look to load sharing among our biggest energy suppliers?”
“I will be quick, Mr Speaker. Thank you very much indeed for the exposition, which is detailed quite clearly on your website, of what fuel poverty is. However, in answer to earlier questions, you pointed out that you have financial asks. Your Department has, obviously, done some research on fuel poverty. What is the quantum of the figure you are looking for, and how far you have got with the Finance Minister with those asks?”
“If South Antrim is to continue to be the best place by far in Northern Ireland in which to live, which all its MLAs will attest to, we have to make that investment. <BR /> <BR />Minister, we are here to help. We are here to work with you. We are here to support you when it comes to making sure that we get multi-year Budgets. We must, however, restore the infrastructure and the critical roads that we have at the moment. We cannot allow the deterioration of the roads to continue.”
“If Ballycorr Road and Church Road were to be restored to something passable, rather than being a good testing track for tractors and Land Rovers, that would be an excellent opportunity to make a start on where we need to get to. We need to see that kind of thing. <BR /> <BR />We have good roads in South Antrim outside that. We have the A6 and the A8. However, we now see the interfaces where drivers come off roads on to the A- and B-grade roads breaking down. We see a lot of outward investment, but we do not see maintenance. When, hopefully, we get to multi-year Budgets, my party will be very supportive of making sure that the Department for Infrastructure has money in its budgets for the necessary infrastructure improvements. We will have to invest heavily in our roads.”
“Yes, every time, it is exactly the same: they are digging it up. <BR /> <BR />There seems to be a lack of coordination in the developing of plans with the council. There has to be an approach whereby the roads are restored to the level that they should be at. They are getting progressively worse. What we see now is that, because we continue to patch roads, the infrastructure is never being restored to the level at which it should be. We are aware that bonds have to be raised for a lot of that work. We should insist that the bonds are made good. Minister, Ballyclare may be a good example to spread across Northern Ireland.”
“At long last — thank goodness — we see the new bridge coming across the Sixmilewater. I would be delighted if we were to have a competition to name it: maybe it could be the "Willie John McBride bridge" or something like that. The new link road that is going around Ballyclare is good. In Antrim, we see lots of development and improvements, as well as new housing. What we are not seeing, however, is investment in the roads and infrastructure between those areas. <BR /> <BR />Like most MLAs, I dread Friday mornings when I get the knock on the door. It is always some new contractor from, say, a gas or fibre company. It is great that contractors want to invest in the town, but I always say the same thing, which is, "Please tell me that you are not digging up the Rashee Road again". I look around the Chamber at Members.”
“Speaking for all the Members for South Antrim, I will say that we could all give a litany of some of the roads that we have in our constituency. Regrettably, in the great town of Ballyclare, I have the Ballycorr Road. The Ballycorr Road is deemed to be the third-worst road in Northern Ireland. It can be deemed to be the third-worst road in Northern Ireland only because no one has seen it recently. It is now probably, along with its connection to Church Road, the first-worst road in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />I do not want to denigrate Ballyclare, because a lot of good work is going on across South Antrim. There has been an awful lot of investment going in, particularly by property developers. We can see the out-turn of that, with many new houses going up.”
“Thank you very much indeed. The Member may not be aware that Paul Johnson, who is looking at the Fiscal Commission issues and the rest of it, recently said that one of the most significant issues we have in Northern Ireland is that we do not know how effectively we are spending the money that we have at the moment. Do you not think it more important that we get our own Budgets right first, before we even consider asking for additional powers?”
“I call on all our parties here to commit to making sure that the additional £400 million is, and remains, ring-fenced for the use of our most vulnerable and our health service.”
“We should also be calling clearly for the rescinding of the cut in universal credit and looking at how we might help those facing severe fuel poverty. <BR /> <BR />Given that, with an 80-seat majority, the Conservative Government have already pushed the measures through, it is difficult to see how we can further challenge them. As Sinn Féin, of course, refuses to represent its constituents in Parliament, it is left to the other parties to do so. What we can and must do is to make sure that the Barnett consequential that is raised for health and social care is used precisely for that. We cannot be seen to fritter away the increase of around £400 million a year on anything but health. That would be a dereliction of care to the most vulnerable. We must ensure that that does not happen.”
“<BR /> <BR />Given that the change is inequitable, what do we need to do to raise much-needed funds for our health and social care services? How should we do that, given that £36 billion over the next three years is a conservative estimate of the level of funding required for our nation? The move should have been towards raising additional funds through modest increases in income tax, thereby spreading the tax burden across those who can best afford it. We also should have looked critically at an examination of a one-off windfall tax on online retailers, the pharma and healthcare sectors and other sectors that have shown excessive profits during the pandemic. There is a precedent, and we should follow it.”
“We know that individuals do not have to pay National Insurance after they reach state pension age, so the burden lies on younger people. We know that lower earners pay more for a National Insurance rise than an income tax rise. We know that as National Insurance is levied from earnings and not from unearned income, those in work would have to contribute more. For example, those who get income from renting out property, owning a business or having investments would not have to contribute. Incomes from pensions would also not be covered. That could lead to a 21-year-old earning £50,000 paying £404, whereas a 66-year-old pensioner with an income of £50,000 would not have to pay anything. It would also deepen the gap between employees and the self-employed.”
“It is noteworthy that Paul Johnson, head of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, as well as our Independent Fiscal Commission have argued that funding social care just from National Insurance would be very inequitable. It would hit those of working age while protecting pensioners, even though it is for something designed to benefit people well over pension age. Even somebody as august as the Archbishop of Canterbury stated that Boris Johnson's plans to increase National Insurance contributions to raise around £12 billion for the National Health Service and social care could pose a "serious problem" for low-income workers and that to privilege wealthy pensioners over the poorest young people was "not a people-centred policy". <BR /> <BR />We know that National Insurance causes lots of problems.”
“That means that we have to raise additional moneys on a United Kingdom basis. That will probably cost £36 billion or more. The questions are these: where does that additional funding come from, and how can it be raised in as fair a way as possible? <BR /> <BR />There are further questions about the removal of the additional £20 for universal credit, the significant impact of rising fuel and energy costs and the very real issue of a rise in fuel poverty, particularly among those who will be most impacted by the proposed increases in National Insurance contributions. The UUP is no friend to many of Boris Johnson's ill-thought-out plans, and we must, indeed, add our opposition to the proposal to raise National Insurance contributions.”
“I thank my friend the Chairperson of the Economy Committee for tabling the motion. We in the House all agree that we need to see a fair economic recovery from the COVID pandemic. Indeed, we can also clearly see the benefits of being part of the United Kingdom, with over £3·6 billion to date in additional support being provided directly and hypothecated since the crisis began. It is noteworthy that the support that we have received for being part of our nation far outstrips that which we could have expected if we were not part of our United Kingdom. That said — this is recognised by all fair-minded people in Northern Ireland — we also have to deal with the horrendous waiting lists that our National Health Service faces and the challenge in how we pay for our social care services.”
“To be clear, it is not the case that officials sought to brief the Committee on these matters and were denied; if they had, I feel sure that my Committee colleagues would have readily agreed to accept such briefings regardless of whether or not it was usual practice. <BR /> <BR />By virtue of the evidence that the Committee has considered, it has endeavoured to give proper consideration to the principles of the Bill, given the constrained timescales of what would appear to be a fast disappearing mandate. That said, consensus was not possible on this occasion. The Bill awaits the decision of the House.”
“I, like the Bill sponsor, will await with interest the impending vote when we find out who goes into which Lobby. <BR /> <BR />There has been some commentary about the Committee's consideration of these matters. Let me clarify: on 23 June, the Committee agreed to take briefings on the Defamation Bill from the sponsor and the Assembly's Research and Information Service. Our forward work programme setting that out was published and shared with the Department of Finance. A number of unrelated changes to that programme were requested by the Department and agreed without fuss by the Committee.”
“It builds on the consultation undertaken by the Northern Ireland Law Commission and the analysis by Professor Scott of the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). It proposes a fairly long list of changes. <BR /> <BR />When the Committee heard from the sponsor last week, members expressed differing views. Some indicated support in principle for the reform of defamation legislation but queried the timing and content of the Bill. Others highlighted concerns relating to the serious harm provisions but remained open-minded on some other aspects of the Bill. Still others indicated that they would support the Bill at Second Stage and seek to amend it at later stages. Overall, the Committee did not come to a final position.”
“<BR /> <BR />With the freedom to publish comes responsibility and the need to protect the reputations of individuals and, in some cases, organisations from defamation based on false and damaging statements. As indicated, the legislation in that regard is a little complex. It has evolved over a considerable time, and, in Northern Ireland, it relies on common law precedents. In other jurisdictions, fairly recent legislation has put key terminology into the statute book and has sought to strike an improved balance between the protection of reputation and the most important right to free speech. The Bill owes a great deal to the recent legislation in England and Wales.”
“I thank Mike, the sponsor of the Bill, for his opening remarks and for the related oral briefing he provided to the Committee for Finance on 8 September. I make my comments as the Chairperson of the Finance Committee. <BR /> <BR />Free speech is a key guarantor and a critical feature of democracy. It allows views to be aired, the truth to be told and, perhaps most importantly, the powerful to be held to account. A number of measures provide protections for Members in that regard. However, they are insufficient on their own. Free speech and access to a free press are also critical components of a democracy and are rightly considered to be the birthright of all those who are fortunate enough to live in this and, indeed, neighbouring jurisdictions.”
“It is unfortunate that it took an attack of mass terrorism to achieve that recognition amongst some in the Irish-American community, but the recognition that terrorism, from no matter what source, is fundamentally wrong was made clear to the republican movement and the IRA and Sinn Féin in particular. It is another example of how pointless and nugatory terrorism is. That, in a democratic society, there is no role in any way for guns, bombs and terror is a lesson that, regrettably, some still need to learn.”
“I commend the work of all those in the veterans community and the Veterans Commissioner, Mr Danny Kinahan. I also highlight the many helplines and levels of support that are out there for us all. I encourage the ex-service community to use them. <BR /> <BR />I want to reflect on another effect of those horrific events on 9/11 and remarks that were made by Richard Haass at the weekend. He said:”
“I rise to acknowledge the 20th anniversary on Saturday of the heinous attack on the United States that resulted in the deaths of close to 3,000 innocent people in New York, Washington and Pennsylvania and, rightly, for us all to reflect on the effect that that day has had. <BR /> <BR />For many of us ex-servicemen and women and for those whose families have been drawn into the conflicts afterwards, in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, that event and the precipitous and ill-timed withdrawal from Kabul and elsewhere has created considerable anguish and disquiet amongst our veterans community. I know from personal experience that it has resurfaced memories and feelings that bring sadness and not a little anger to the fore.”
“She can also better inform her party colleagues in the Executive on the provision of testing in schools, can update them on the widespread availability of lateral flow tests and, above all, has the opportunity to look critically at the information flow to our schools to ensure that there is no longer confusion or inconsistencies in the public health messages to our pupils, parents and hard-pressed school staff. <BR /> <BR />To conclude, Minister, while there are other growing crises around our political spectrum, on this issue, by utilising the support already offered yesterday by our Health Minister, you can regain some much-needed trust by getting your Department to take effective action for the pupils, teachers and parents across Northern Ireland. We can all work together to make this happen.”
“Regrettably, it is perhaps not coincidental that some teachers, after 18 months of less than, I am afraid, clear guidance, are deciding to interpret the rules in their own way. <BR /> <BR />The Minister now has the opportunity to put that right. She has the information that she needs from our Chief Medical Officer (CMO) and Chief Scientific Adviser (CSA), she has the support of the Public Health Agency, and, in our Health Minister, she has somebody who is committed to the health and well-being of our children.”
“Mr Lyttle has obviously had the opportunity to read some of my notes as I have been going through them. Great minds think alike, but at least we do anyhow. <BR /> <BR />However, it must be recognised that, throughout the pandemic, the flow of information — there we go — from the Department of Education, through the EA, has, on many occasions, been less than exemplary. Regrettably, even I, as a member of a board of governors and someone with an insight into actual health guidance — at one stage, I had a direct line to the Health Minister — have found it difficult to translate what was agreed by the Northern Ireland Executive and the Public Health Agency into the information that managed to work its way into the Department of Education and Education Authority and then work its way down to schools.”
“Well, they do teach me an awful lot, I can assure you of that. Every single day. <BR /> <BR />The welcome return of pupils to school and the restoration of normal teaching, especially for those pupils approaching key exams, has been a key objective of our party and, indeed, everybody in the Assembly. Indeed, our Health Minister has been at the forefront, in the Executive, of putting forward practical approaches, along with the Public Health Agency, the Department of Education and the EA, to allow the safe and managed return of pupils.”
“As I begin, I make a declaration of interest as being a member of the board of governors at a primary school in my constituency and, as unlikely as it may seem, the parent of two primary-school teachers; sorry, students.”
“That is not appropriate, so we need to consider the issue further. I ask the Assembly to support the motion.”
“The Committee wishes to extend the Committee Stage of the Financial Reporting (Departments and Public Bodies) Bill because of the considerations that we need to have in Committee. Certain areas of the Bill will require significant work. In particular, we are looking at what are known as black-box procedures, where particular areas of finance have been laid out to look to how we manage those moneys. There are implications for the Bill having the potential to look at moneys of about £1·5 million, which, as the Assembly is fully aware, is about half a million pounds more than what is normally expected in black-box procedures. That is being opened up to potentially two years, and, as we are aware from numerous debates in the Assembly, there have indeed been occasions on which close to £1·5 billion has been hidden away in black boxes.”
“Will the Minister indicate how quickly the serious incident review is likely to report and, when it does, how quickly he will be able to respond to it?”
“I thank the Minister for coming here and urgently dealing with the question. I must make a declaration of interest because, of course, I have been seen by a radiologist in the Antrim Area Hospital within the past couple of months.”
“I thank the Minister for her answers so far. Bearing in mind the volume of complaints about Capita on everything from PIP failure to incorrect TV licensing and the appalling management of recruitment into the armed forces, and bearing in mind that it has stated that its entire desire is to squeeze value out of every contract that it has, has the Minister conducted due diligence on the company? If she has, can she assert in the Assembly that she has full confidence in that company, to which she has awarded the potentially multi-million, multi-year contract, bearing in mind that it has already been assessed as having shown "systemic maladministration"?”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her reply. Obviously, she seems to put a lot of weight on what Maroš Šefcovic has been saying, but we have real concerns, particularly about the supply of medicines in Northern Ireland. What degree of risk does she think is acceptable? Indeed, do the Northern Ireland Executive see that there is considerable risk to the supply of medicines?”
“I shall be very snappy and very sharp. Thank you very much. <BR /> <BR />Minister, if you could answer those questions, the Committee and the Department for the Economy would be delighted to have your views.”
“With your indulgence, Mr Deputy Speaker, these are important issues. I am sure that the Minister —”
“Nonetheless, I ask the Minister why that large allocation, which relates, as he said, to unrepaid student loans, was made by the Treasury to the Department for the Economy in the first place if it was not germane to Northern Ireland. I also ask why so much of the Budget cover was not spent by the Department in 2020-21 and what the impact is likely to be in future years. I ask why, during all the scrutiny by the Committee for Finance of the spring Supplementary Estimates and all the related debates in the House, the size of the problem was never explicitly revealed. It is not satisfactory that the Committee for Finance or, indeed, the Committee for the Economy —”