Patsy McGlone
Mid Ulster · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“Limiting the power to dismiss charges involving the death of or serious physical harm to a vulnerable person will enhance the fairness and integrity of those criminal proceedings.”
“The SDLP welcomes the provisions for the long-overdue establishment of a statutory Commissioner for Victims and Witnesses of Crime. That is a significant step forward in the development of our justice system.”
“Putting the office on a statutory footing will ensure that the commissioner's role is legally recognised and accountable to the public and the justice system. The Minister outlined a number of the measures in the process of accountability.”
“OK. I thank my colleague — indeed, the Minister — for responding. It is, as the Minister said and my colleague highlighted, a sensitive area. People who are approached to give a reference should think long and hard about the implications of the references that they give: where they might wind up; the circumstances in which they give them;…”
“The SDLP welcomes the Victims and Witnesses of Crime Bill and the opportunity to debate it, alongside the Chairperson — or should I say, "Mr Amendment" — at its Second Stage.”
“I accept that the Minister's Department, as she has stated repeatedly, does not have the capacity or resources to develop those legislative provisions during this mandate.”
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“Gabh mo leithscéal, ceist uimhir a trí deag.”
“Minister, is the financial assistance offered per GP for indemnity on a par with that offered to GPs in the UK?”
“The danger is that both sides may think that playing hardball will get them a better deal. I would venture that, in this instance, where there is such a serious risk to public health, conciliation needs to be the priority at this point rather than playing silly political games. Meanwhile, that deadline inches closer, as does the risk to animal and human health not just in the North but across the entire island of Ireland. I suggest that that is the message that the Minister should take to the British Government and the EU. Agus sin é, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Sin mo chuidse.”
“The Minister will be able to confirm that later. <BR /> <BR />Most of the veterinary medicines at risk of being discontinued here are licensed in other EU member states by the relevant licensing authority so that they meet EU standards. Among the potential solutions are a bonded warehouse for storing veterinary medicines in transit to the North; acceptance by the EU of quality testing in warehouses in Britain and of the current market authorisation holder addresses; and the introduction of a grandfather rule to allow for the continuation of the supply of veterinary medicines that were available pre-Brexit. That would also mean that only newly licensed products would require a marketing authorisation holder address in the EU. <BR /> <BR />There is still time for the issues to be resolved.”
“There are also a smaller number of veterinary medicines imported from countries such as the USA and Australia under special import licences that will not be allowed to be used here at the end of that grace period. <BR /> <BR />As was the case with the issues around human medicines, there are potential solutions. Those solutions will require compromise from either the EU, the British Government or, more likely, both. While we will support the motion from the Ulster Unionists, I am not entirely convinced that it is realistic for the sponsors of the motion to expect the Minister to interject in any negotiations with proposals of his own. However, I expect that the Minister will have had conversations with both sides about the potential impact on the supply of veterinary medicines here if an agreement is not reached.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are two main issues that may affect the supply of veterinary medicines if an alternative agreement is not found by the end of 2025. Veterinary medicines stored in warehouses in Britain will have to go through another quality check before coming here. That also includes veterinary medicines manufactured and checked already in the EU that are being transported through Britain. Secondly, the marketing authorisation holder location will have to be in the EU or Northern Ireland. Those issues have the potential to affect the number and variety of veterinary medicines available here, as the increased costs involved — this is a major issue too — may prove prohibitive to manufacturers.”
“<BR /> <BR />On the DUP amendment, I have a concern about legislation that could lead, maybe inadvertently, to obstacles in cross-border trade, which Declan McAleer referred to. That is a very important matter on this island, given the all-island nature of the economy in regard, in particular, to agri-food business. <BR /> <BR />Following the publication of the Northern Ireland protocol, a grace period was initially put in place for the use of veterinary medicines from Britain to achieve that solution. That has now, as we heard, been extended to the end of 2025. That is the point by which a long-term solution must be in place. Otherwise, the loss of the only licensed salmonella vaccine for cattle and the most widely used salmonella vaccine for poultry risks causing a public health emergency. We simply cannot have that.”
“Here we are today, however, debating another unadvertised consequence of Brexit, which was one of the greatest self-inflicted stupidities in modern history. <BR /> <BR />I will go back to the regulation of veterinary medicines. The Veterinary Medicines Directorate, sponsored by DEFRA, regulates veterinary medicines in the UK. According to a recent review, we are more closely aligned to EU regulations on veterinary medicines than we were before, so the issue, at present, is not a divergence in regulations. The problem is a result of the failure in negotiations between the EU and a Tory party that was tearing itself apart. Both sides have since stated that they continue to work for a long-term, sustainable solution. However, they may have different destinations in mind, and that could leave us stranded in the middle.”
“If you permit me, Mr Deputy Speaker, I will start with a quote from a historical figure, Napoleon Bonaparte:”
“There is, therefore, a need to harmonise the databases used to register dogs and, if it happens in the foreseeable future, other pets. The USPCA has proposed a single microchipping database that all enforcement agencies, veterinary practices and animal welfare charities could access. It has also suggested that the Minister should bring in legislation on the microchipping of pet cats in Northern Ireland. I realise that that could be a bit of a task. None of that is possible with the legislative consent motion, as we are unable to amend the original Bill. However, highlighting these issues will, hopefully, improve the possibility that those matters will ultimately be resolved.”
“At least 14 authorised databases exist in the UK, but they are not always compatible, so, when they are scanned, the registered information may, in fact, not show up. In addition, on the rest of the island of Ireland, dogs must be microchipped by the age of 12 weeks and registered on one of four approved databases, but, while the data on those is synchronised with Europetnet, it may not be compatible with the databases used in the North.”
“As far as I am aware, there are no comparable figures for cats or other pets. Statistics from the Dogs Trust indicate that fewer than a quarter of stolen dogs are, ultimately, returned to their original homes. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is not perfect, but, as the USPCA pointed out, it provides an opportunity to highlight the requirement to microchip dogs. Since 2016, it has been compulsory for all dogs in Britain and Ireland to be microchipped and registered on an authorised database by the time that they are eight weeks old, However, current microchipping systems and databases need to be reviewed, so that there are more opportunities to reunite pets and owners or identify the owner of an abused dog. There are a number of different manufacturers of microchips and databases.”
“<BR /> <BR />The introduction of the new offence will open the way for more accurate figures to be maintained on the level of pet abductions and the breeds that may be specifically targeted. A figure has been made available by the PSNI for abductions of dogs in the North: 215 dog thefts over the past six years. On the point about the PSNI, in Committee I said that it was very important to connect with the PSNI to make sure that it has the resources to deal with this, given the serious cutbacks to community policing in some areas. That will be very important. The 215 dog thefts are a tiny percentage of the number of dogs in our society when you consider that 99,206 dog licences were issued by councils between April and December 2023. However, the impact of the loss in each case should not be underestimated.”
“The SDLP is broadly content to support the legislative consent motion on the Pet Abduction Bill. Obviously, we would prefer to see primary legislation from the Assembly on devolved matters, but, given the nature of the Bill and the widespread support for it in the sector, we support today's legislative consent motion. We will, however, continue to deal with LCMs on an individual basis, as and when they come before the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />Legislating for a new offence of pet abduction will recognise the impact on owners and animals of the stress and trauma of abductions, which the Minister rightly referred to. In many cases, a pet cat or dog is regarded as a treasured member of the family. Their loss goes beyond any monetary value, and they deserve to be treated in the law as much more than simply property.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire fosta.”
“Minister, you are probably setting yourself up for an ambush at the Balmoral show, given that your statement contained so many more questions than answers. I will pick out the issue of the sustainability payment. Will you add some flesh to the bones of the fine principles of managing effectively and encouraging farm businesses to be sustainable, efficient and competitive and to manage risk proactively? How will that be done, and how will it be communicated to the farming and agricultural communities? That is a pretty big deficit at the moment.”
“I thank the Member for taking the intervention. I appreciate the points that he makes about oversight and enforcement, but does the Member accept — this relates to Mr Elliott's point — that a range of scientific interventions will be required if we are to address the algae bloom on Lough Neagh? I appreciate that the Minister has probably done a lot through the Small Business Research Initiative (SBRI) to initiate that work.”
“—to protect and nurture the natural environment. Future generations will judge the Assembly by how we respond to that.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is necessary to secure and maintain public trust in the ability of governance —”
“<BR /> <BR />As was committed to in the New Decade, New Approach agreement of 2020, the office of environmental protection will still have a crucial role to play, and an independent EPA will have to work closely with it. The importance of the EPA's being an independent body has already been demonstrated, as the threat of legal action from the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP) forced the Department to change its approach to providing ammonia guidance for council planning decisions. The non-independent NI Environment Agency was unable or unwilling to do that, because it is an environment agency that still cannot take samples at waste water treatment works without telling NI Water in advance. An independent environmental protection agency is a vital part of modern environmental governance.”
“Despite the development trust's attempts to secure funding to allow it to progress its work, successive Ministers failed to commit the required additional resources. <BR /> <BR />I wish the Minister the best of luck in his negotiations with the Executive to empower an effective, professional management body for Lough Neagh, hopefully, with oversight from an independent EPA. However, the Assembly should again make its ambition clear: it is not just the immediate response of the Minister and the Executive that is important; it is their commitment to follow through on the decisions that they take and to properly fund the required response to the ongoing ecological crisis in our environment. Key to that response is the establishment of an independent EPA, as recommended by the review of environmental governance (REGNI) in 2007.”
“However, a single overarching body that could have had the necessary resources and powers to manage and protect Lough Neagh was previously established. The leader of Sinn Féin in the Assembly was the Agriculture and Rural Development Minister at that time and was responsible for that. Following a Lough Neagh cross-departmental working group report in 2014 — 10 years ago — when the ownership of the lough was a talking point, there was support for a community-led approach to the ownership and management of the lough. The Lough Neagh development trust was established in early 2016, and an interim board was appointed to lead the trust through membership recruitment and the election of a permanent board.”
“Among the recommended key actions are enforcing the existing regulations; reductions to the levels of phosphates in animal feeds; the development of a policy to eliminate the use of chemical phosphorus fertiliser on grasslands; and, of course, an updated nitrates policy. A cash injection of £131 million for NI Water was the estimated cost of upgrading 18 waste water treatment works. <BR /> <BR />As I mentioned, although the Assembly had already called for the Executive to put in place a new management structure and a plan for Lough Neagh, there have been attempts to improve the management of the lough. The stakeholder Lough Neagh Partnership was formed in 2003. That is a partnership with a defined role to play, but it lacks resources and powers.”
“<BR /> <BR />Perhaps the Minister will be able to update us on the recommendations of the cross-departmental task force on Lough Neagh. We are facing another summer of potentially toxic algal blooms. As I mentioned, people have reported to me that the algal blooms are already starting to evolve beneath the surface and, indeed, are manifesting on the surface of Lough Neagh. With warnings issued to the public, as well as to the tourism industry, I would like to think that we will take action before we reach that point again this year. <BR /> <BR />The task force identified 113 actions that statutory organisations and the wider public can take to address the problem in the lough. In addition to mitigating measures, it made several recommendations to specifically address the build-up of excessive levels of nutrients in the lough.”
“<BR /> <BR />The auditor general's report on water quality noted that, between 2017 and 2021, 373 pollution incidents linked to farming and 68 incidents linked to NI Water were deemed to be of high or medium severity. More than half — 53% — of all water pollution incidents linked to agriculture in 2022 happened in the Neagh Bann river basin district (RBD). Most of those incidents were in the River Blackwater area, with farm effluent mixture, silage and cattle waste most frequently detected. <BR /> <BR />Agriculture accounts for 77% of the total land area of Northern Ireland, but only about 1% of farms are inspected by the Northern Ireland Environment Agency. I have to put on the record that most farmers are ecologically tuned in. They want to see the environment kept and to be its custodians. However, there are those who clearly do not.”
“The Department's figures tell us that over 60% of the phosphorus in our rivers and lakes originates from agriculture, with 24% coming from waste water treatment facilities and 12% from septic tanks. There has been a recorded increase in the level of phosphorus in Lough Neagh since 2015, and a steady and, indeed, sharp rise — I have seen the graph — in the level of nitrates from 2017 to 2022. A recent report commissioned by Farmers for Action attributed that particularly sharp increase to the ambitions of the Executive's Going for Growth strategy, which was introduced around that time. The report identified attempts at increased crop production, leading to a much-increased use of nitrogen-based fertilisers, as the reason behind the rise.”
“The Minister and his Department know well what the underlying problem is: it is the build-up of excessive levels of nutrients in the lough — the phosphorus and nitrogen. Other factors come into play, but that is the underlying issue that needs to be resolved. Since 2020, the lough has been in poor status, which is just one level above the lowest status of bad in the ecological and chemical condition of the water. We have seen decreases in the numbers of all the main species in the lough, most notably pollan. <BR /> <BR />On a wider note, last year's 'State of Nature' report showed a continuing decline in biodiversity, with 12% of Northern Irish species threatened with extinction.”
“That is where we are today, having travelled in the opposite direction to that recommended by the review of environmental governance in 2007. It is important to note the findings of the auditor general's recent report on water quality: since 2015, the water quality in our rivers and lakes has got worse, not better, and we will miss the 2027 EU targets for water quality standards. <BR /> <BR />In February, the Assembly debated the ecological crisis in Lough Neagh and called on the Executive to put in place a new management structure and plan for the lough — which is very dear to me — so that it can be managed, protected and promoted in the interests of all. I will not repeat all the arguments from that debate.”
“It was a twin-track process, if you like, as any of us who were on the AERA Committee at the time know. <BR /> <BR />We are still waiting for an independent environmental protection agency. After the Assembly motion in 2007, there was some change. In 2008, under a DUP Minister, the Environment and Heritage Service, an arm's-length agency of the then Department of the Environment, was essentially rebranded as the Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA). In May 2016, the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs was created, and, again under a DUP Minister, the NIEA was brought fully into that Department. <BR /> <BR />We had a review, and the Executive, controlled by the same two parties that control it today, ignored both the review and the Assembly.”
“We know the answer to that question. <BR /> <BR />I mention that to point out that the DUP has always opposed an independent environmental protection agency. It has always sought to delay any decision on its establishment. Even though a commitment was given in the New Decade, New Approach agreement in 2020 for that very agency, unfortunately, the DUP Minister responsible repeatedly ignored it. <BR /> <BR />The New Decade, New Approach commitment envisaged an independent environmental protection agency that could oversee work on climate change and ensure that the necessary targets would be met. We eventually got a Climate Change Act in 2022, primarily because of individual Members of the Assembly rather than the then Minister, but anyway.”
“By the way, the previous motion, unchanged, was agreed by the Assembly in 2007. Then, as now, the North was the only region in Ireland or Britain that did not have an independent environmental protection agency. To quote the former leader of the Alliance Party, David Ford, in the 2007 debate:”
“Sinn Féin, however, supported a DUP amendment that called for more work to be undertaken — a repeat of déjà-vu? — before decisions could be taken. It was ever thus.”
“The SDLP, along with the Green Party and Alliance, has supported an independent environmental protection agency since the 2002-06 review of public administration (RPA) and we stated that support in our Assembly election manifesto in 2003. <BR /> <BR />In 2007, following a review of environmental governance in Northern Ireland, the Assembly debated an Alliance Party motion calling on the Executive to establish an independent environmental protection agency for Northern Ireland, as recommended in the review's report, 'Foundations for the future'. The Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Féin supported the motion, but, while the Ulster Unionists supported our amendment in that debate, to establish an independent environmental protection agency in the lifetime of that Assembly, Sinn Féin did not.”
“It is with some disappointment that I move the motion today, not because of a lack of enthusiasm or a lack of need to establish an independent environmental protection agency or because of the urgency with which that is needed, but because we should have had an agency in place already. Like many necessary developments, it has been promised and delayed repeatedly by Executive parties. That is one of the reasons why we cannot support the amendment, because, unfortunately, it would introduce yet another delay in implementing a commitment that had already been given in the 'New Decade, New Approach' (NDNA) agreement of 2020. What is strange is that the Ulster Unionist Party used to support an independent environmental protection agency: I look forward to some clarity on that after a while.”
“Thank you for that, Minister. Can you advise whether there is any allocated budget for Lough Neagh recovery?”
“Minister, you have had the overwhelming support of the Assembly to negotiate a fiscal framework that reflects our needs, and you have outlined those. However, it has been three months and there does not seem to be any sign of change in the UK Government's position. If the UK Government do not change their position, what is the plan B, or is there a plan B?”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a freagraí go nuige seo.”
“Will the Minister advise us what financial allocations are available to meet the just transition obligations of the Climate Change Act, please?”
“Minister, with regard to the agri-food sector and wider farm produce, will your Department be in a position to contribute in any way to the obligations of the just transition?”
“An dtig leis an Aire shóisearach clár ama a thabhairt dúinn ar cad é mar a bheas rudaí agus cén uair a cheapfar na coimisinéirí? Ina theannta sin, cén buiséad a bheas ag oifigí na gcoimisinéirí?”
“Thank you for that, Minister. What proposals do you have for the just transition fund for agriculture, and what ask have you made for it?”
“We all know that fodder is running low, that cattle and other animals cannot be put out in the fields and that crops cannot be planted. Have you ever considered a mechanism that, with certain conditions being met and the Department having analysed the situation, would allow for an automatic kick-in of provision of support for the farming and horticulture sectors?”
“Minister, will you give us an indication as to what your legislative programme is, including some indicative times, please?”
“— for reducing fuel poverty by which the public can, and we can, judge its effectiveness.”
“<BR /> <BR />Introducing price protections for home heating oil customers and social tariffs for the most vulnerable should be key elements of a new fuel poverty strategy. Reducing that reliance on fossil fuels like oil for heating will also help to contribute to decarbonisation and those net zero objectives. <BR /> <BR />We have some of the highest energy prices on these islands. Along with other factors that I have highlighted, we see the result of that in the figures for fuel poverty. We need a new fuel poverty strategy. It must be a comprehensive and multifaceted approach that addresses the root causes of fuel poverty, promotes energy efficiency and supports vulnerable households. The strategy must have statutory targets —”
“Absolutely. When you look at the exorbitant, crucifying profits of the oil companies in particular in times of crisis, you ask yourself, "Who's codding whom here?". It is despicable. <BR /> <BR />Unlike electricity and gas, the home heating oil market, as the Member said, is unregulated and can be highly volatile. The cost per litre is currently around 66p, but, in the past 18 months, it has varied from 55p to over 100p. The likes of home improvement grants, home insulation grants and the support that is required to meet net zero targets and objectives, such as support for the likes of solar panels on people's homes, which is crucial, can contribute to net zero, better heating in the house and the better well-being, welfare and health of its occupants.”
“The strategy must also recognise the urgency of the cost-of-living crisis and the impact that that is having on fuel-poor homes in the North. Many homes in Northern Ireland suffer from poor energy efficiency, inadequate insulation and outdated heating systems. Of course, we remain reliant on expensive home heating: about 68% of households depend on oil as their main heat source. That rises to around 82% in rural areas, such as that where I live, where the size and age of some of the buildings mean that they are generally less fuel-efficient in any case.”
“In fact, the level of fuel poverty has increased, according to the official figures, from 22% of households in 2016 to around 24% of households in 2020 and 2021. I am not sure about more recent years, but that figure could be even higher. In a survey last year, 45% of homes in Northern Ireland reported spending over 10% of their income on fuel and energy, which is the level of spending that is used to indicate fuel poverty. <BR /> <BR />The overarching principle that the Fuel Poverty Coalition recently published sets the standard by which a new fuel poverty strategy will be judged. Those who are most in need — our most vulnerable — should be supported first. The strategy must support low-income and vulnerable households equally across the North.”
“All I will say is that they could not be much worse. <BR /> <BR />Despite its importance, the existing fuel poverty strategy has not been updated since it was introduced by an SDLP Minister in 2011. The failure of the Executive and subsequent Ministers to update the fuel poverty strategy for over a decade, including five years during which Sinn Féin and the DUP blocked the formation of an Executive, has left thousands of families exposed and vulnerable to the exponential price increases that we have seen in recent years. We consistently report higher levels of fuel poverty than England, Scotland and Wales, but, unlike England, Scotland and Wales, we do not have a target for reducing fuel poverty.”
“To be effective, a fuel poverty strategy needs to address those fundamental elements. <BR /> <BR />As mentioned earlier, the voluntary and community sector has played an incredible role. It has faced adversity too, because it was hammered by cuts. The picture often comes to my mind of a Tory in a lovely shire going along to get a photograph taken at his food bank, even though he, through his votes and policies, contributed to the need for that food bank. I was talking to some healthcare workers today who told me about nurses going to food banks. Working people going to food banks in 2024 is an absolute disgrace and brings shame on our society. I hope to God that the Tories get an awful hammering in the upcoming election. It is difficult to say whether those who follow will be any better, given the financial constraints.”