Doug Beattie
Upper Bann · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I absolutely accept what the Minister said earlier, which is that she would not have been able to get such a Bill out of the Executive. That is the sentence that you would have heard from me, Minister, had you waited a minute. I absolutely accept that that is the case, and I think that we all do.”
“Just a minute. Minister, I guess that I disagree with you, because I too did my work. I accept that I do not have the resources that you and your Department have, but I sat with the Public Prosecution Service and talked through this very thing, and it said that it was workable.”
“The Director of Public Prosecutions would look at the seriousness of the offence — death by dangerous driving, risk of harm to the public, serial arson, assault, sexual behaviour that is a danger to the public — and he would also look at the best interests of the child, because we have not got away from diversionary measures here.”
“Had James Bulger been murdered by two nine-year-olds, we would probably be having a discussion about the minimum age of criminal responsibility being nine, such was the anger in 1993 when that horrendous crime took place. All the ages are arbitrary, and we need to deal with that.”
“That raises the minimum age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 12. It is not what some people, who want it to be 14, want; it is not what others, who want it to stay at 10, want; but I believe that 12 is right. Why do I presume that a child can commit a criminal offence at 12 years of age?”
“In essence, however, that amendment would raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 14, apart from in the case of the offences in that closed list. It has been said many times, and I will not repeat what has been said, but the closed list does not make sense to me either.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,482 lines we hold for Doug Beattie, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 2 of 30.
“Corporal James Elliott was kidnapped, tortured and murdered in 1972, and there has been no article 2 investigation of his murder, even though he was murdered in Ireland. There has been no investigation, yet nobody is screaming and shouting about that. Two people were arrested, but do you know what they were arrested for? They were arrested not for his murder but for planting improvised explosive devices on his body. Nobody has been arrested for his murder. <BR /> <BR />The Irish Government have supported amnesties. They supported amnesties in the Stormont House Agreement. We all know that the Stormont House Agreement would never have conducted investigations of those who were kidnapped in the UK, taken across the border and tortured and murdered. That was not part of the Stormont House Agreement.”
“We are, however, literally talking about the Irish Government, the Irish Army, the Directorate of Military Intelligence, an Garda Síochána and the rest of the state security apparatus redacting information before investigation. That is not right, and we know that it is not right. <BR /> <BR />The Irish Government are not doing investigations. Last week was the anniversary of the kidnap, torture and murder of Robert Nairac GC. He has had no article 2 investigation and no inquest. When I raise that with the Irish Government, they say, "We haven't found a body yet, so we can't do it". That is nonsense, because Irish legislation clearly states that they can hold an investigation and an inquest in cases in which there is no body.”
“<BR /> <BR />The first area, which Mr Frew articulated well, is that the Irish Government have failed to do anything substantial on legacy. They have done nothing for victims, nothing for survivors and nothing for society. They have brought in a legacy unit in an Garda Síochána, but let me be absolutely clear: it will not investigate anything. It will pass information to the UK investigatory bodies, but let us talk about that information: it will be redacted before investigation. It is important to remember that. The UK Government will not redact information before an investigation but will redact it when family reports come out for reasons of national security. That is fine, although Members may argue that they do not like that either.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Legacy is a running sore in Northern Ireland and further afield. I know that all of us in the Chamber will look at legacy through a different prism, and that is fine. The substance of the motion is similar to that of one that I brought to the Chamber in March of last year about the Dublin Government failing to live up to their responsibilities. That motion received unanimous support. Nothing about that premise has changed. The situation is exactly the same now as I said that it was in March of last year. Today's motion and our amendment, which clarifies a number of points in the motion and makes it a little more coherent, can be broken down into four areas. I hope that I can get through all four. I will try to do so.”
“However, there needs to be a real sense that we can all get together and celebrate our patron saint on an incredibly important day. If we can do that in Downpatrick or Armagh, bringing people from across the globe to us, it will show that we have a real confidence in what we have to offer. I would genuinely like us, on St Patrick's Day, not to leave here to see green rivers in New York, Boston or Washington but to bring people to Downpatrick to see what we have to offer.”
“I have not been to the site — isn't that a shame — but I am definitely going to go. It is a place of quiet pilgrimage that draws visitors from across the globe. We already have a place that people can go to and say, "This is the burial site of St Patrick". We already have the starting point. What we now need is the enthusiasm, funding and organisation to bring people here. St Patrick's mission began at Slemish Mountain and ended in Downpatrick. It is there, in the shadow of his tomb, that history, faith, Irish identity and British identity meet. That is important. <BR /> <BR />Diane is right: sometimes, we allow people to capture St Patrick's Day and drag it away, when it should belong to us all. We see that with various other things as well, not just St Patrick's Day.”
“Why not have them all come to us? Why not have the Taoiseach or the president come to Downpatrick or Armagh? Why not have the ambition to say, "Let's bring them all here, because we can do it"? Do you know what? This is the home of St Patrick. Unfortunately, by all going to the United States, we have allowed a bit a Disneyfication of St Patrick's Day to happen, which is sad. <BR /> <BR />We all know that, from Slemish to Armagh to Saul Church in Downpatrick, St Patrick covers great swathes of Northern Ireland. He is revered across the country and on both sides of the border. St Patrick has huge meaning for Downpatrick in respect of religious identity, cultural identity, family, and tourism — all things that could and should be tapped into in Downpatrick. St Patrick's grave is marked by a massive granite stone, I believe.”
“We have a thing called "gunfire" on St Patrick's Day: you are woken up with whiskey and tea and forced to drink it first thing in the morning. Then, you go out on parade, where you are presented with your shamrock. It is a tradition, but we also remember the reason why we do it, so it is not just a tradition for the sake of it. <BR /> <BR />I have always been struck that, although we are the home of St Patrick, we decant out of here every year. All the great and the good — I have done this as well — disappear from their homes, the area where St Patrick came from, and head to the United States. We find ourselves in Washington, which, I have to say, puts on a great show. An awful lot of time, effort and money is put into St Patrick's Day in Washington and elsewhere. You have to ask yourself this question: why not do that here?”
“This is outside my patch, so I might do a little bit of promotion for somewhere else. Thank you, Colin, for bringing this forward: your enthusiasm is infectious, and you have a story to tell. <BR /> <BR />St Patrick is an important religious and cultural figure. The St Patrick story travels the centuries in various guises. As a man with a military background, I have celebrated St Patrick's Day my whole life. It blends seamlessly my identity, my culture and my military traditions. I have celebrated St Patrick's Day across the globe: from the deserts of Iraq and Kuwait, to the green zone in Afghanistan and the north German plains. I even celebrated it at the Maifeld in Berlin, when it was still divided, which is where Hitler used to hold his rallies. Interestingly, in the military, you celebrate St Patrick's Day in a slightly different way.”
“Therefore, the document is not being adhered to. Can the Minister use the tripartite arrangements to deal with that very small issue, because it has a huge effect on those who seek an award?”
“I thank the Minister for her comprehensive answer. The 'Joint Guidance for Medical Practitioners on Injury on Duty Awards' was placed on a statutory footing in 2024, which means that it is legally binding. However, the first page states:”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. In many ways, she has answered my supplementary question, which was about the specifics and how we measure those outcomes. Minister, given the finite amount of money that is being used for this delivery unit over a five-year period, are there any plans to increase that funding?”
“The family courts crisis has been mentioned before, and there is no point in going over that. There is a huge backlog, which results in the victim facing the abuser far more often than they should do, even when it comes to entering the court at the same time or coming across each other. <BR /> <BR />There are lots of issues, but we are on the right track, and it is important to say that. Now, however, we need to close those gaps.”
“The Member is absolutely right. It is important that the criminal justice system identifies that and knows about it and that the front-facing people who are involved are fully trained. Our Police Service personnel need to be fully trained to understand what they see when they come across it. Likewise — I have said this time and time again — the Public Prosecution Service and the courts need training. <BR /> <BR />There is a support gap. Stormont promised safe leave in the form of paid time off for victims of up to 10 days a year in order to deal with domestic abuse. That was two years ago, but it has still not been delivered. We ask victims to navigate the family courts and flee abusive homes, while potentially losing their job, and that is a legislative failure.”
“For example, child aggravators are being underused, which means that we are failing to protect the youngest and most vulnerable witnesses to crime. It certainly has not been embedded in our Police Service, the Public Prosecution Service or our courts. There is a training gap in the quality and consistency of training in our criminal justice system.”
“That can also involve moving the victim away from where they live. Humiliation can be part of that as well, as Paul Frew mentioned. It is important to remember that we have young abusers. Young men of 14, 13 or 12 have girlfriends and can be involved in that type of activity but probably do not even realise it. Of course, I have to say that men can be coerced as well, but it is important to say that it predominantly happens to women. <BR /> <BR />The Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act 2021 was landmark legislation, but, as I said, it remains flawed in some areas. There is an implementation gap. A recent Criminal Justice Inspection report found that, while the law exists, there is limited awareness of the statutory guidance.”
“That may sound a bit James Bond, but we are talking about everyday items that are purchased online, such as AirTags. They cost virtually nothing, and you can literally follow somebody's movement by attaching it to their car. Hacking into social media accounts or emails to monitor every conversation — the abuser does not need to be in the room any more to control every movement. <BR /> <BR />We do not really talk about reproductive coercion: a hidden offence where a partner sabotages contraception, forces a pregnancy or coerces an abortion. It is a complete hijacking of a woman's autonomy over her body. Coercive control also involves isolation and cutting victims off from family, friends and support networks until the abuser becomes their entire world, and they do not even realise it.”
“It is not just about withholding money; it is the systematic destruction of a victim's financial independence: taking every penny spent, running up debt in their name or preventing them from holding a job. Victims are left financially marooned, unable to afford to live, travel or have any form of independence. <BR /> <BR />We think of coercive control as it relates to family members and loved ones, but older people also suffer it as their grandson, granddaughter or other family member continually tries to get money from them or takes control of their pension. It is really widespread. There is also technological surveillance. In the 21st century, abusers have powerful new weapons. They install spyware on telephones and GPS trackers on cars.”
“I often ponder the term "ending violence against women and girls", because the reality is that you do not need violence to create harm to women and girls. Coercive control is a prison sentence without bars. It does not leave bruises that are visible to the eye, yet it destroys lives just as surely as any physical assault. While Northern Ireland took the historic step of criminalising that behaviour in the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act 2021, the legislative framework at Stormont still contains critical failings that leave victims dangerously exposed. <BR /> <BR />I am conscious of the Justice Minister's statement today on the Katie Simpson affair. In many ways, that case goes to the heart of coercive control, because it is far more insidious and widespread than many people fully realise. It can take the form of economic abuse.”
“Given the known benefits of that relationship, such as satisfaction and value for money, does the Minister hope to expand it through the neighbourhood model that he has just mentioned?”
“I reiterate what I have said many times: whether you are a soldier, a policeman, a member of the public or a politician, if you break the law, you need to face the law.”
“Again, we have to remember what was going on at the time. It was an absolute tragedy, but that does not take away from the families, who deserve truth, justice and accountability. They should get that from all corners of the Chamber. Some people decide to use a murder when it happens to apply to those whom they supported during the Troubles. Until they stand up and tell what they know, we will never get to the truth. <BR /> <BR />Was the killing of those five young people wrong? Yes, of course it was, and I acknowledge what the coroner said. There is always a wider context, however, and it is a simple one: hundreds if not thousands of people were killed and injured, and there are people who know who did it and say absolutely nothing.”
“Sometimes, the least said the better, in many ways. We had a tragedy in Northern Ireland, and we still feel that tragedy today. Therefore, my heart goes out to the families of Margaret Gargan, David McCafferty, John Dougal, Patrick Butler and Father Noel Fitzpatrick. They were five innocent victims of our Troubles, and they join a long queue of innocent victims of our Troubles, none better than the one before, and all should be remembered. <BR /> <BR />We know that, in July 1972, over 100 people were killed, my uncle being one of them. There has been no inquest for him, and no statements have been made about him in the House, yet he is equal to everybody else. We all need to remember that July 1972 culminated in the Claudy bombing, where eight people were murdered, and Bloody Friday, when nine were murdered.”
“I have also raised the case countless times, and will again, that our judges, who do a really good job and have a difficult job to do — I am not critical of them — need personal, professional and continuous development that they have to attend. At the moment, they simply do not attend any personal and professional development. It should be compulsory. <BR /> <BR />We need to move forward and create a sentencing regime that not only has rehabilitation at its heart but has deterrence and punishment and protects the people of Northern Ireland, but, until we put things in place such as a sentencing council and training for our judiciary, we will never achieve that. If we are going to meet what Enda's father wants us to meet, we need to move on that through the Sentencing Bill.”
“That was seen as unduly lenient and was extended to 4·5 years, meaning a nine-year sentence, which is nowhere near the 14 years that a judge can give as a maximum. We are talking about extending the sentence from 14 years to 20 years, but that makes absolutely no sense, because judges do not use the powers that they have to go to the maximum. That is why I have continued to argue for a sentencing council for Northern Ireland in line with what exists in England, Wales, Scotland and the Republic of Ireland. I make no apology for doing so. A sentencing council is a council that will hold the judiciary to account to make sure that judges use the maximum sentence. We have never seen the maximum 14-year sentence used for drug- or drink-driving — never. A sentencing council can do that, however.”
“One of the elements of the Sentencing Bill is the increase in the sentence from 14 years to 20 years for drink- and drug-driving and dangerous driving, which I support. It happens that, yesterday, I met Peter Dolan to talk about the awful death of his son Enda Dolan. There is no party here that has not met Peter and heard his story about Enda. We are united in supporting him. He is absolutely clear that he supports raising the sentence from 14 years to 20 years for drug- and drink-driving and dangerous driving. We all support it. <BR /> <BR />There is a fundamental problem, however. Enda's story is tragic and brutal — I will not go into it now — but the person who perpetrated that crime got seven years: 3·5 behind bars and another 3·5 on licence. The punishment for that crime was really 3·5 years.”
“Yesterday, the Chair of the Justice Committee, Paul Frew, tabled an important motion to extend the Committee Stage of the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill to 27 November. I am working hand-in-hand with Paul in that regard.”
“<BR /> <BR />I remain of the belief that sentence credit — that is, a sentence reduction, which means that we give a drug dealer, even one who is a repeat offender or has caused death or harm, up to a quarter off their sentence — needs to be reviewed. Those who deal drugs deal death, and that will happen unless we start to take robust action against them. <BR /> <BR />I will not stand against the motion, but I commend the amendment to the House.”
“I am disappointed that the party opposite will not support that, because it supported us in June, when I brought that suggestion to the Floor. It would involve no time lag, because provisions on a sentencing council would go in the same Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill and come out the other end of that, if there is support for it. We have such a council in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, but we do not have one in Northern Ireland. It is the only place that does not have a sentencing council. A sentencing council will develop sentencing guidelines, monitor and assess the impact on perpetrators and victims, and promote public understanding.”
“We cannot ignore the role that paramilitaries and organised crime groups play in the supply of illegal drugs and their control of the drugs trade. We have to tackle that. I believe in the tactic of clear, hold and build: clear an area of organised crime gangs that deal drugs through policing, education, community resilience and a robust criminal justice system to protect the public; hold through visible and continual police presence and community support, using sentencing as a deterrent; and build on that community's resilience and opposition to drug dealers by highlighting the higher sentences for drug dealers. <BR /> <BR />Lastly, our amendment lays out the need to reform sentencing in Northern Ireland "via a sentencing council".”
“We can do that and do so quickly in the Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill. <BR /> <BR />Part of our amendment mentions:”
“All four principles are key, but the last three need to be found within a suitable sentence for those who deal drugs. That means stiffer sentences for those who are found guilty of supplying illegal drugs; stronger sentences where drug dealers have caused death and harm; longer sentences for repeat offenders and longer probation monitoring; and extended time in custody rather than on licence and continued probation monitoring. <BR /> <BR />Pauline Duddy, who lost her daughter Jasmin, aged just 21, after she was supplied with illegal drugs, is right to call for an aggregating factor to be considered when sentencing.”
“It is about those who deal illegal drugs for profit: individuals who do not care about the human cost of peddling drugs and who target the very young and the very old. They will drag people into a life of addiction in order to line their pockets. Those individuals have a negative impact on our society and should be dealt with by a robust criminal justice system. <BR /> <BR />The issue is how we deal with them in the criminal justice system when they are found guilty of dealing drugs and what should inform sentencing. On previous occasions, I have been clear that custodial sentences of less than 12 months are pointless, because very little can be done in a 12-month period. Serious offences deserve stronger custodial sentences, in line with the principles of sentencing: rehabilitation, deterrence, protecting the public and punishment.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First, I thank the party opposite for tabling what is a really important motion. I also thank Minister Muir for coming here on behalf of Minister Long. Please pass on our regards to her. I hope that she gets better soon. <BR /> <BR />The motion rightly expresses concern about drug-related deaths and the 47% increase that there been in a decade. It also sets out the complex issues of drug addiction and the need for joined-up thinking from the Department of Health, the Department of Education, the Department of Justice and the Department for Communities to improve prevention and recovery outcomes. We need to involve all Departments. To me, however, the main thrust of the motion is about something different.”
“Minister, I totally agree with everything that you have said. How is the mandatory treatment element of enhanced combination orders (ECOs) working? What evaluation has been done of that?”
“I agree with my colleague for Upper Bann: I absolutely believe in your sincerity on this and do not disagree with what you have just outlined, but surely there are things that we can do now to make the roads safer. Why can we not close those gaps? Why can we not put up signage to say to people, "You know what, you're going to have to travel a little longer to be able to do a U-turn to come back on yourself"? Why can we not do something that could save lives now in the interim? Let us not make perfect the enemy of the safe.”
“It is really important to put on the record that none of those who lost their life or was injured was making illegal manoeuvres on the road or demonstrating bad road sense. Does the Member agree that it was the design of the road that caused those injuries and deaths?”
“It is important that we stand here and represent those who have suffered loss and injury, and that is why this Adjournment debate is so important. It is important that Minister represents the same constituents whom we represent. I ask her to do that.”
“The Minister is waiting for the A5 appeal outcome before moving the A1 scheme forward. That is a failure of risk management, Minister. I genuinely believe that, at times, we have to take risks in order to improve the lives and, in this case, save the lives of people here in Northern Ireland. Are we seriously suggesting that closing the gaps on a road is incompatible with climate targets? If so, our legislation is broken. If not, we are limiting our ability to act. <BR /> <BR />Phase 2 is currently on hold. The legacy of that delay is eroding public trust in Banbridge and the wider areas of Lagan Valley and Upper Bann. Local representatives are calling for the Minister to take action now. The effects are deeply felt by families in Upper Bann.”
“Therefore, in not fixing it, we are accepting that there will be accidents. We are accepting injury and loss of life. Every month that it is stalled is another month in which families in Upper Bann and Lagan Valley risk their lives crossing a dual carriageway with gaps. As campaigners who have lost loved ones have reminded the Minister, this is a matter of life and death. Delays do not just cost money; they cost futures. <BR /> <BR />The secondary effect is that of political and legal paralysis. The delay is not due to funding or design but to the A5 court ruling regarding climate targets. The Department is terrified of launching a project only to be sued for non-compliance with the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022. Consequently, we are seeing a contagion of caution.”
“The architecture of delivery was set, but here is the rub: the outcome today is a project that has been frozen in time. Instead of breaking ground as planned in early 2026, we are now looking at a tender process that is being extended into February 2027 just to keep the scheme viable. The only physical outcome so far is that the Department is holding a place in a queue, waiting for a court ruling on the A5, an important project 50 miles away. <BR /> <BR />That brings me to the effects of the delay, which are devastating. The primary effect is going to be loss of life. You cannot have a 25 kilometre stretch of road with vehicles travelling that quickly and other vehicles trying to get across the road to go in the complete opposite direction and believe that we are not going to have accidents.”
“The scheme would also install concrete safety barriers and build four new grade-separated junctions. <BR /> <BR />Eóin has already set out the whole issue of the A1 and how it links the M1 in Northern Ireland with the M1 in the Irish Republic, but it is worth setting that out again. It is such an important road, with so many users. The fatalities that we have on it are obscene. The promise was simple: to stop people dying on a road that carries 40,000 vehicles a day. The outcome so far has been a scheme that is in limbo. <BR /> <BR />Technically, the Department has done its groundwork. Procurement began in late 2024, a restricted tender list was notified in May 2025, and Minister O'Dowd ring-fenced up to £30 million for the project.”
“It is a £120 million to £130 million project covering 25 kilometres between Hillsborough and Loughbrickland. It will close all the gaps in the central reservation. Just imagine that. On that stretch of the A1, we have a road that has gaps in the central reservation. It is an extremely fast road, and trying to cross it and get into one of those gaps to go in a completely different direction is crazy. It is madness. I used to drive regularly from north Yorkshire to London down the A1. It was changed, section by section, to become the A1(M). You now have the A1 from north Yorkshire — 338 kilometres of it — down to London, with sections of it that are now the A1(M). It does not have any of those central reservations, which are absolutely crazy.”
“First of all, I thank my colleague Eóin Tennyson for securing this really important Adjournment debate. It is important because we are having a life-saving discussion, so thank you for that. I also thank the Minister for coming to the House to respond to our concerns. Minister, I hope that, in your response, we hear some imaginative thinking, even if it is just thinking as opposed to what you are actually going to do. Thank you for coming along. Certainly, I thank Monica Heaney for being here and acknowledge all those campaigners who have campaigned for that stretch of road to be made safer. <BR /> <BR />Let us be clear about phase 2 of the A1 scheme and what it is supposed to deliver. It is not to build a new road. It is a safety intervention on one of the most dangerous stretches of tarmac in Northern Ireland.”
“We can stand here and complain as much as we want to, but it will not make a bit of difference to what is going on in the Middle East — not one bit of difference. It might make us feel good, but it will make no difference there. Nobody wants war. It is not a video game. I do not want it. I have been there; I have seen it; and the people who suffer most are the innocent civilians. They are suffering. They are suffering across the region — in the Gulf States, in Iran and in Israel. The sooner we get an end to the conflict, the better, but the bottom line is that Iran cannot be allowed to continue doing what it is doing, and we cannot let global terrorism hold us all to ransom.”
“Iran could do that tomorrow. In truth, it needs to do it tomorrow, because it is the Iranian people who are suffering during the conflict.”
“I hope that the protagonists can get around a table and start to negotiate. It is in the hands of Iran to stop global terrorism and to stop exporting it. It is in the hands of Iran to stop trying to gain nuclear weapons. It is that simple.”
“Our First Minister, given that she is the First Minister, should have looked it. <BR /> <BR />It is incumbent on the US and Israel Administrations to end the conflict as soon as possible. While prosecuting it, they must adhere to the laws of armed conflict. We hear the term "war crimes" being thrown about as a strapline. That is all it is. People use it as a strapline, and it disgusts me when they do so. However, it is still a breach of the laws of armed conflict. Administrations have to adhere to the laws of armed conflict. The US and Israel are no different from anybody else. Just so we are aware, terrorists are also bound by the laws of armed conflict. <BR /> <BR />All wars and conflicts end in negotiation. I hope that the situation in the Middle East de-escalates soon. I hope that the fighting stops.”
“Yes, of course. In-depth planning should have been done, and there should have been a clear set of aims for what they are trying to achieve. That is about the prosecution of the conflict. That is not to say that it was not right to go in and take Iran to task for what it was doing: destabilising the region through decades and decades of global terrorism. <BR /> <BR />One of the questions that we have to ask ourselves is this: why were we not prepared? It is not that it has not happened before. We had fuel shortages after Russia invaded Ukraine. The destabilisation in the Middle East over the past three years has led to such shortages. We knew that that was happening, yet we were not prepared. Now we are complaining and trying to do crisis planning in Northern Ireland because fuel prices have gone up. We should have looked at that.”
“<BR /> <BR />One of the questions that we have to ask —.”