Stephen Farry
North Down · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Speaking for a party that has a longer pedigree in advocating a public inquiry than both the DUP and Sinn Féin, I nonetheless welcome this announcement, despite the torturous path that we have had and, indeed, the missed opportunities.”
“The first was a reform of the petition of concern to take it back to the original intent when it was designed in 1998. It was clear at that stage that Arlene Foster banged the table and said, "No, never. We are not doing that. That is a way whereby we are going to have to fold on equal marriage: it's not happening".”
“<BR /> <BR />The main points that I make concern the substance of the order. There are probably three aspects that the Minister needs to address properly before the Assembly, and they really relate to what other options he has.”
“That raises the question of why they want to go as far as 2022, especially when I am not sure — I would welcome any clarification to the contrary on it — that there has been formal Executive approval of this.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are three major substantive issues that I do not believe have been properly aired on this: VAT; European Commission infraction proceedings; and, most important, the opportunity foregone to revisit the classification of Northern Ireland Water and the ability, through a separate water charge, to allow it to borrow commerc…”
“While my party was supportive of the Good Friday Agreement back in 1998, at that time, we expressed some reservations around the very detailed nature of the proposals and how those could, in due course, destabilise Northern Ireland and prevent us from realising our full potential. We have been very much vindicated in that analysis.”
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“I am committed to improving cross-border student mobility. As part of my Department's higher education strategy, a project group, which includes representation from the Irish Higher Education Authority and the institutes of technology, has been established to take the issue forward. The project team has considered the recommendations of the IBEC-CBI report on undergraduate mobility and has made progress in a number of areas. <BR /> <BR />In relation to improving information, careers teachers and careers advisers have received additional training on the higher education opportunities available in the South and on the Central Applications Office processes. Extensive information regarding Northern Ireland's higher education sector is available through the NI Direct portal.”
“<BR /> <BR />Secondly, I must stress that, from the outset, we in Northern Ireland have been very clear around the importance of quality and have not simply been badging anything that looks like training in an employment context as an apprenticeship. Members will be aware that there has been a change of approach in England, notably, over the past number of weeks, where greater care is being taken about labelling certain types of activity as an apprenticeship and avoiding labelling other types of activity as an apprenticeship. That way, if we have a focus on quality, we will be ensuring that young people who are going through apprenticeships will be well served, as will the companies that benefit from apprenticeships.”
“It is worth saying a couple of things. First, I welcome the support from the Member for apprenticeships. I think there is a strong consensus across the House on the importance of apprenticeships as a way forward. To answer the question, it is very much in the self-interest of employers to ensure that this model is sustainable. It is not, and should not be, a source of cheap labour for employers. It is the means by which companies and organisations will find and be investing in their future talent. There will always be an investment that employers have to make. They will receive a return by way of productivity on the far side of an apprenticeship, so it is important that employers understand that this is something that benefits them. If they understand that, they will not simply be letting people go on the far side.”
“That is the pattern even in the most successful vocational training systems in the world, including the Germanic countries and Scandinavia. We are putting such a focus on particular types of interventions to encourage SMEs in Northern Ireland to engage with the system, because they will benefit very much from that type of approach to training. In particular, our discussions so far indicate that perhaps the biggest perceived blockage is in administration and bureaucracy. I think that that is where a lot of focus is going to go in trying to ensure that we have full participation from that sector of the economy.”
“Yes, I very much concur with that sentiment. It is also worth bearing in mind that the structure of our economy means that we have a greater predominance of small and microbusinesses than many other societies. Indeed, what is viewed as an SME in Northern Ireland is probably of a different nature and scale than is the case in other jurisdictions. We have more smaller SMEs relative to some other countries in the world. <BR /> <BR />Whenever we talk about apprenticeships, it is important that we bear in mind that there will always be a differential take-up of those opportunities, subject to the size of the businesses that we are talking about. What I mean by that is that larger businesses are always more readily placed to create such opportunities.”
“The subgroup will develop proposals and test them with a wider range of employers before presenting recommendations to me in the autumn.”
“That will be tested from autumn 2015 with a view to introducing a new central service by September 2016. <BR /> <BR />Last year, I established an interim strategic advisory forum comprised of employers, trade unions, providers of off-the-job training and other key stakeholders to provide advice on key issues concerning the implementation of the new strategy. A subgroup of that body has been established to look specifically at ways to support small and micro-employers to engage with the new system. That subgroup has met on a number of occasions to examine a range of measures, including financial incentives, group training approaches and wider administrative support that could be introduced to support small and micro-employers to engage with the new system.”
“With a very smooth link, I can say that we launched 'Securing our Success: The Northern Ireland Strategy on Apprenticeships' in June 2014, which committed to putting employers at the heart of a new apprenticeship system. Naturally, the success of the system will be reliant on successful engagement with employers, in particular those from small and microbusinesses that are the backbone of the Northern Ireland economy. That is why the apprenticeships strategy recognises the need for tailored support for such businesses. <BR /> <BR />A key aspect of supporting business will be the proposed apprenticeships central service, which will signpost employers, particularly small and microbusinesses, to appropriate sources of advice and guidance and which will administer any support and incentives that might be made available.”
“The importance of part-time study takes on an even greater presence in the way that we will be engaging in skills. It is also important that, as we look to link up our higher education system with the emerging strategy on apprenticeships, we look to funding mechanisms that will support students who are in an apprenticeship system but are also accessing their off-the-job training through university. By definition, they will be part-time students. That funding model may well be important in that regard, as well as for those students who are studying part-time on a free-standing basis.”
“I thank the Member for the question. Obviously, any scheme has to be one that can adapt to those who are full-time and part-time students. It is also worth stressing, as I did to Mr Ó hOisín, that we are seeking to look at options to support part-time students at undergraduate level. Undergraduate part-time study is an area where, again, there is significant scope for expansion. In particular, we seek to encourage and develop people from a range of different backgrounds beyond perhaps the conventional 18-to-21-year bracket, which is probably no longer seen as the exclusive source of students, to take up a wider range of study at higher-skill levels. <BR /> <BR />We also recognise that we are under pressure in how we fund full-time places.”
“That is hopefully the path that we are going to pursue, and if that falls in place, we may be able to extend the intervention beyond just those subjects that are most relevant to the economy to include a wider range of areas.”
“We can certainly focus the scheme on particular subject areas. Cost implications may drive us in that direction. Also, some of the options in the consultation are across the board and recognise that there may well be interest in studying a range of subjects. The critical aspect affecting whether or not this will work — bearing in mind that we are going through times of major financial stress — is whether we can access a system of loans from the Treasury, making the system, in essence, almost self-funding, provided that repayments are made within the approved range allowed by the Treasury scheme. <BR /> <BR />The Member may be aware that, in England, the UK Chancellor of the Exchequer has announced the development of a loan scheme. That opens up the opportunity for us in Northern Ireland to have a similar scheme for our jurisdiction.”
“That is why the consultation particularly focuses on what we can do to better assist master's students. That is where the greatest efficiency has been identified, not just in Northern Ireland but elsewhere in these islands.”
“First of all, I thank the Member for his comments and for welcoming the consultation, which I should mention also covers potential options for supporting part-time students. <BR /> <BR />On the issue of postgraduate students, as our economy evolves ever further, the demand for higher-level skills will increase. That includes primary degree level to level 7 and level 8, so it is important that we ensure we have proper investment in that regard. That will accelerate with a lower level of corporation tax. <BR /> <BR />At present, we have a system of support that tends to help those who are doing PhDs, but not those who are doing master's degrees. We see the same situation occurring elsewhere in the UK. A lot of people talk about the "broken bridge" between an undergraduate progressing to a master's and then to a PhD.”
“The consultation will run until 11 September, and my Department will publish a summary of the responses after that date. For a range of legislative and administrative reasons, any new policies resulting from the consultation will carry significant lead-in times.”
“Those skill demands will only intensify under a potentially lower rate of corporation tax. Indeed, forecasting commissioned by my Department has shown that, in an environment of lower corporation tax, the requirement for postgraduate qualifications in our workplace will rise faster than any other type of qualification. However, Northern Ireland continues to enrol far fewer postgraduate students, relative to our population, than any other country in the UK. Supporting an increase in postgraduate provision is therefore not only a matter of social justice but an economic imperative. That is why, two weeks ago, I launched a policy consultation that considers a range of options for better assisting postgraduate students through the student finance system.”
“At present, the majority of postgraduate students in Northern Ireland must finance their own studies. Of the minority who are funded, some are treated as undergraduates for student support purposes. My Department also funds a postgraduate awards scheme that will provide over 700 scholarships this academic year. These scholarships cover students' approved tuition fees and provide around £14,000 per annum to support them with their living costs. They are, however, limited in number and largely restricted to PhD students. They are allocated by our universities on a highly competitive basis. There is no standard student finance package in place for postgraduate students through the Student Loans Company. <BR /> <BR />Looking ahead, it is clear that our economic growth is going to be highly, and increasingly, dependent on higher skill levels.”
“It is not an issue of a business case as such. These are decisions to be taken by the colleges themselves, which are there to manage their resources. Obviously, all our colleges are facing very difficult circumstances and need to make difficult decisions. It is important that we bear in mind that our colleges are not simply there to service a distinct geographical area. It is important that we encourage specialism and collaboration across our colleges. It is also worth bearing in mind that the very particular direction of travel in Belfast Met is not just a product of the current financial climate, though that obviously has accelerated the approach that is being taken, but that the strategic direction to this was set out in the college development plan, which predates my time as Minister.”
“I thank the Member for the question. It is difficult to say that we are in a position to give more support because, as the House will be aware, we are going through very difficult financial cuts. Indeed, the FE sector is bearing an element of those, though we are working with the colleges to ensure that we try to minimise the impact of those cuts on the front line and on the areas that are most relevant to the economy. The type of areas that have been touched upon by the questions to date would fall into those areas that are very relevant. As I said, we continue to invest in the capital estate, and, as the Member represents North Down, he will be conscious of the imminent opening of the SPACE at the South Eastern Regional College's campus in Bangor, which will be a major asset to the whole community in Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is also important to recognise that we continue to invest in the further education estate to ensure that we have modern, world-class facilities and to ensure that we are providing the best type of environment for our students to pick up the skills that are so important to those fast-growing industries.”
“First of all, the Member is right to point to the benefits to our economy from the film and other creative industries being present in our economy. Indeed, the further education system is there to be responsive to the needs of the local business community and investors that come in. It is important to bear in mind that, while the question is on performing arts, it is part of a much wider landscape that involves a whole range of creative industries, from textiles and fashion through to multimedia. There are other aspects that are important in film production, such as sound. Our colleges are providing courses across the full spectrum of the creative industries, including the performing arts, and, in that way, we are bringing forward a range of people with the relevant skills.”
“A range of financial assistance is also available to students with low incomes.”
“Widening participation in further and higher education to students from a disadvantaged background is a key strategic aim for my Department. As the main providers of adult education throughout Northern Ireland, colleges continue to encourage access to further education, including performing arts, by delivering a varied curriculum through their campuses and community outreach centres. Colleges have a strong track record in attracting enrolments from deprived areas. In the 2013-14 academic year, there were over 1,000 enrolments in performing arts courses in further education. Of that, 21% were from the most deprived areas. Performing arts courses are available from level 1 to level 5 and offer learners the opportunity to acquire the skills and knowledge that they need to gain qualifications to help them progress in their chosen careers.”
“Then, we go with our Scottish and Welsh counterparts and others to argue the case from a position of strength, maturity and responsibility for a better resolution of welfare reform, and what that means for further cuts in Northern Ireland, and public spending, making the point about Northern Ireland's particular circumstances. <BR /> <BR />If we want to do that without putting in place the building blocks, we will be laughed out of court. We know what happened last time when we went to the UK Government with half-baked proposals. How we were laughed out of court back then. Let us learn the lessons and get it right this time.”
“I hope that that party will reflect in particular on its actions and to where they have led us today. <BR /> <BR />In closing, let me be very clear: the only route out of this situation is for us to pass the Budget (No. 2) Bill over the coming days and then to move very quickly to committing to the delivery of the Stormont House Agreement and to accepting that we need to proceed with welfare reform with the local modalities that have been adopted. We then need to put in place a June monitoring round to ensure that we have sustainable finances over the course of this year. Let us be very clear: that will contain some pain.”
“There was a proposal for a prosperity panel that could engage international expertise, build on our existing economic strategy and economic pact, see how we might plan ahead around some of the different changes happening around devolution and plan around the potential for a lower level of corporation tax. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP's point, albeit a weak one, was listened to, and it was turned into something that was a reality. However, at the same time that that proposal was being respected and turned into some sort of coherent reality, the SDLP was off behind closed doors putting down a petition of concern to block the Welfare Reform Bill. That act was a retreat from the negotiations. A party that says that it is always happy to talk walked away from the table and blocked welfare, further spiralling us over the cliff.”
“It was not an agreement in principle, nor was it an agreement to come back and look at the numbers down the line at some stage. It was a firm agreement on those numbers. <BR /> <BR />We have also had, in principle, the potential to have some sort of wider discussion among the parties on how we further the process of rebalancing our economy and planning for the future. Again, that was something that the SDLP talked about in very general terms, and it fell to others behind closed doors with the UK Government to put some meat on the bones of that proposal.”
“Alasdair McDonnell also made the point that he wanted some sort of engagement across all the political parties to resolve the issue. I, for one, am getting a little bit frustrated by the ongoing rhetoric of, "We want to be mature and responsible and to engage in dialogue". We have been doing that for the best part of three years on these issues, and it is now time to face up to our responsibilities and to do what is required to balance the books without compromising the ability to negotiate further and make wider points. <BR /> <BR />The Stormont House Agreement was a five-party agreement, lest anyone is under any illusion that it was something different. There has been a lot of revisionism going on in that regard. In particular, the Stormont Castle agreement was a five-party agreement, with a set of numbers agreed by all five parties.”
“So what is now coming across as some sort of principled opposition was not that principled when the Minister from the SDLP had to get guidance on what others were doing before he could form a view in his own right as to the approach that was going to be taken. That exposes some of the thinking that has been going on behind the scenes in that regard.”
“All that they are doing is punishing the people of Northern Ireland; the people whom we are all here to represent. <BR /> <BR />If people think that the SDLP is taking some sort of principled stand, let me say that, before the Budget was struck at the Executive, the SDLP Minister came up to me and said, "Um, what are you guys doing in terms of the Budget when it comes to the Executive?". There was not even a clear stance from the party as to what they would do when the Budget came before the Executive. We had a clear view of the approach that we were taking, and that was based on a rational discussion and view of the issue. The SDLP did not.”
“However, once the Assembly, on a democratic basis, adopts the Budget resolution, we move into a different phase — Budget policy is agreed. The issue then becomes the authorisation of Supply and the granting of the legal authority for Departments to spend that money. That is where we stand today. We are not discussing the grand policy issues of the Budget. Those discussions have happened and the issue has been fought. We fought. We did not win the vote. We will argue that we at least won the argument, although others may choose to differ in that perspective. Nonetheless, we have a duty to proceed in that regard. If people are thinking of voting against the Budget Bill, they are voting for financial chaos. They are not making any productive proposal for an alternative.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is worth making a comparison between how my party and the SDLP have handled the Budget. Let me be very clear: we have to distinguish between what is Budget policy and what is Supply and authorisation for Departments to spend. My party was very uneasy with the Budget. We did not think that it was sufficiently strategic and felt that there were a lot of missed opportunities. We voted against the Budget at the Executive, and my colleagues in the Assembly voted against it when the Budget resolution was discussed. At that time, there was space for a different Budget resolution to be passed by the Executive. Therefore, that was a responsible response by my colleagues, because there was time to do something different with Budget policy.”
“At the very least, it creates the space and opportunity for a solution. Whether we get that solution remains to be seen, but at least we have the space and the money will continue to flow. If we go down the line of blocking the Budget — if people are intent on doing that and manage to convince sufficient numbers of others — we will simply cut off the tap. We will not have any authority to spend money and will end up with a situation in which the Civil Service intervenes and even more swingeing cuts will be put in place. Guess what will happen then: it will be those who are most vulnerable in society who will be hurt ever more. The logic of blocking the Budget to protect the vulnerable is utter nonsense. Blocking the Budget means hurting the vulnerable even more; absolutely nailing them to the ground.”
“We have already agreed the Supply resolution, which identified the amount of money that we are talking about in relation to the Budget legislation, so the only changes that we are likely to see at Consideration Stage and Further Consideration Stage are the moving of money from one Department to another — that is all that we can do at this stage. Unless they are prepared to say that we should cut x amount of money from Department A and give it to Department B, there can be no change. <BR /> <BR />The logic is that you are either for the Budget process or you are against it. My party is approaching the Budget process with a certain degree of reluctance, because we know that, in and of itself, it does not resolve the issues. Nonetheless, it is the responsible thing to do at this time.”
“From Sinn Féin, we have the position that they are supporting the Budget Bill going through, which is the right thing to do, but hinting that, in some shape or form, that support is conditional. <BR /> <BR />I think that the SDLP has articulated three different positions. Alasdair McDonnell said that he would oppose the Budget Bill at Second Stage; Pat Ramsey then said that they would not block it; and I have just done a radio interview with Mr Attwood, who said that they would not block it at Second Stage but would consider voting against it at Final Stage. If that indeed is their aspiration, I am not quite sure what will change over the course of a week.”
“If anything, it will get worse: an ever greater concentration of the limited investment that we do get will go into Belfast. People are being utterly counterproductive in the objectives that they are setting out and the means that they are putting in place. <BR /> <BR />I want to return to those who may be thinking of opposing this Budget. There is some ambiguity about what is happening in that regard.”
“Yes, we have a new strategy for economic inactivity, which will help a lot of people who are in the welfare population. This is our approach to helping welfare in Northern Ireland, one that is shaped under devolution and does not exist in any other part of the UK. It is a clear advertisement of the benefit of devolution. Unless we have the resources to implement that strategy, we will not see any tangible results: there will be no proactive, non-coercive approach to assisting people out of welfare — that is another major loss. <BR /> <BR />A point was made about regional disparities in the Northern Ireland economy. That is another major cause for concern. If we are not able to resource interventions to address subregional imbalances, that situation will not change.”
“Frankly, no right-minded business will be looking at Greece in the current climate, and Northern Ireland is not that far behind. We know already that investment trips to Northern Ireland are, at best, being postponed and, at worst, being lost due to the fact that we do not have a secure financial framework in place. Those are the very real costs that we are experiencing on the back of this impasse. <BR /> <BR />The best way to help someone to escape dependency on welfare is to create a job. The actions of those who are blocking welfare and taking an irresponsible view on the Budget are stopping us from creating jobs. Let us be very clear about what is happening. <BR /> <BR />There was the notion of how can we invest in economic inactivity.”
“<BR /> <BR />There was talk about how all this welfare stuff is terrible and how we cannot do it because there are no job opportunities for people to access. Frankly, our ability to create jobs is being undermined by the approach that is being taken. My Department's ability to invest in people's skills and in employment programmes is being undermined. Those are the means by which we give people the ability to access jobs. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, the ability of Invest Northern Ireland to go out to the rest of the world to attract jobs and create job opportunities here in Northern Ireland is being constrained. Beyond that, our credibility as an investment location is taking a hit due to the fact that we are unable to secure and sustain a Budget.”
“I hope that people are clear about that and have on their conscience that, as a result of the cuts that are going through and the cuts that have been announced so far this year by Queen's and Ulster University, people will be denied opportunities to build a life and career in Northern Ireland. That is a real, tangible impact on those who are vulnerable. <BR /> <BR />The same applies to further education and apprenticeships. Let me be clear, however, that I am not cutting apprenticeship places and opportunities. That money is ring-fenced, given that they are so critical to transforming our economy. Apprenticeships are such an important and productive intervention, also in line with all the evidence, that we are not seeking to cut them.”
“<BR /> <BR />When we cut university places, some people have to leave Northern Ireland and access higher education elsewhere. They may not come back to our economy or, if they do, they will come back laden with further debt because of higher tuition fees. Others may not access higher education at all. When places are restricted locally, those from more deprived backgrounds are more likely to miss out. All the evidence shows that that is the case. Those people, of course, would flourish if they got to university, but they will be denied that opportunity.”
“All will go straight to the heart of undermining people's ability to move on. <BR /> <BR />From Alasdair McDonnell and Pat Ramsey in particular, we heard a lot of rhetoric about the importance of investing in third-level education: in apprenticeships, colleges and universities. I appreciate very much their sentiments, but their actions are seriously undermining our ability to invest in the future of our people and our economy. There is no point whatsoever talking out one side of your mouth about the importance of the economy and how you want the economy in Northern Ireland to be transformed, while your actions on the Budget and welfare are plunging us into an ever-deeper crisis in which the key economic levers are being cut.”
“Surely no one in the House wants a situation in which people are dependent on welfare for their entire lifetime. <BR /> <BR />We know the evidence; this is all sound public policy on the type of interventions that are important to give assistance to people. Those are early years education, which my colleague Judith Cochrane outlined, and public health interventions, because we know about the impact of poverty on public health for one generation after another. It is also about what we do about training, education and employment opportunities to give people the ability and skills to find and sustain a job, as opposed to being dependent on welfare. All those are areas that are now either being cut, are in serious jeopardy of being cut or, indeed, are in jeopardy of being cut ever further because we do not have a balanced Budget.”
“Their actions are directly hurting the vulnerable, because the fact that we are paying out welfare penalties, are potentially not implementing the Stormont House Agreement, thereby ratcheting up the in-year pressures that we are finding, and have a Budget crisis that will go further and further into the year and is restricting Departments' ability to respond to any in-year pressures in a coherent manner, will all pile more and more pressure on the most vulnerable. <BR /> <BR />There is more than one way that we can help the vulnerable. It is not purely about transfer payments and the welfare benefits that are paid, important as they may be; it is about what we do to invest in creating opportunities for people and providing them with the ladder to emerge from dependency on welfare.”
“Those are the choices that we can make, and I thought that we had come to some agreement that that was the route that we were going to go down. <BR /> <BR />That leads me neatly to make a further point that I think needs to be emphasised. We hear a lot that the approach that we are taking is all about protecting the vulnerable and that we are not going to be party to a process in which the vulnerable in Northern Ireland are hurt. Let me be very clear about this, particularly for the three parties that are responsible for the current phase of our political chaos: Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Green Party.”
“When I hear the deputy First Minister say that we are reduced simply to being the administrators of Tory rule in Northern Ireland, I think that he does not only himself but certainly all the rest of us a huge disservice by not recognising our ability to have policy innovations and to do things differently in line with the particular interests and circumstances we find in Northern Ireland, as well as our ability to spend our money differently. <BR /> <BR />Amongst the five parties, we have negotiated a different approach to welfare reform. We have put in place flexibilities and modifications that, out of our own resources, will give some protection. All that, of course, comes at an opportunity cost for other investments and schemes that we could put that money into to grow our economy and protect the vulnerable.”
“That means that not only are we abandoning, first and foremost, major planks of the Good Friday Agreement and what some people have fought long and hard for over the past 20 years but we are abandoning devolution and the buffer that it provides by giving some protection against the full force of Conservative Government cuts. <BR /> <BR />While our options are restricted because we are dependent for our block grant and welfare payments on a transfer payment from the UK Treasury, devolution allows us to put in place different spending profiles and policy innovations.”
“I would like to think that that is what we did, somewhat belatedly, with the Stormont House Agreement. However, that was nonetheless the result that we reached. When we decided basically to abandon the Stormont Castle agreement, which led to the Stormont House Agreement, we set ourselves on a pathway on which power-sharing is being called very seriously into question. To be very clear: if we do not proceed over the coming week or so to pass a Budget, and if we do not follow that up with agreeing a monitoring round that puts in place the balancing of our Budget this year on the back of agreement to continue to deliver the Stormont House Agreement and welfare reform, we are putting these institutions in jeopardy.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is a wider issue on the Good Friday Agreement, which relates to the nature of power-sharing itself. Power-sharing works only if parties are prepared to share power and responsibility. If people are determined to dig themselves into holes because of some warped reasoning or, indeed, some extreme ideology, we cannot have functional power-sharing, and Northern Ireland becomes ungovernable. If parties wish to pursue power-sharing, they have to accept that it means working in common with other parties and finding solutions to the issues.”
“We have accepted, for now, subject to the views of the people of Northern Ireland, that we are part of the UK framework, warts and all. That does not mean that we do not challenge what is happening under UK Government policy, in common with Scotland and Wales, but we have to accept, nonetheless, that we are part of a national framework. By implication, if Sinn Féin wants to move away from that and say that they are not prepared to be the people who administer Conservative rule in Northern Ireland, by implication they are saying that they are not prepared to accept the outworkings of the principle of consent. A very big statement is being made. It has not been made explicit but, if you join the dots around all of that, you see that that is the import of what they are saying.”