Stephen Farry
North Down · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Speaking for a party that has a longer pedigree in advocating a public inquiry than both the DUP and Sinn Féin, I nonetheless welcome this announcement, despite the torturous path that we have had and, indeed, the missed opportunities.”
“The first was a reform of the petition of concern to take it back to the original intent when it was designed in 1998. It was clear at that stage that Arlene Foster banged the table and said, "No, never. We are not doing that. That is a way whereby we are going to have to fold on equal marriage: it's not happening".”
“<BR /> <BR />The main points that I make concern the substance of the order. There are probably three aspects that the Minister needs to address properly before the Assembly, and they really relate to what other options he has.”
“That raises the question of why they want to go as far as 2022, especially when I am not sure — I would welcome any clarification to the contrary on it — that there has been formal Executive approval of this.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are three major substantive issues that I do not believe have been properly aired on this: VAT; European Commission infraction proceedings; and, most important, the opportunity foregone to revisit the classification of Northern Ireland Water and the ability, through a separate water charge, to allow it to borrow commerc…”
“While my party was supportive of the Good Friday Agreement back in 1998, at that time, we expressed some reservations around the very detailed nature of the proposals and how those could, in due course, destabilise Northern Ireland and prevent us from realising our full potential. We have been very much vindicated in that analysis.”
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“I am concerned that the Minister has omitted to refer to recommendation D2 of the panel's report, which refers to the need to tackle segregation in housing and "set ambitious targets and milestones" in that regard. I remind him that the Fresh Start Agreement itself links the issue of tackling division to being central to eradicating paramilitary activity. Therefore, I ask the Minister to confirm whether, in his view and that of his Department, there is a very firm link between the promotion of mixed, shared and integrated housing and the eradication, finally, of paramilitary activity from our society?”
“If we are to seek to attract a certain type of event, including the Rugby World Cup, developing Casement, albeit a GAA stadium, is of crucial importance.”
“I do not wish to reopen old ground — that has now passed — but a single stadium would have brought us together in terms of sharing, but, more importantly, it would have brought us greater economies of scale in infrastructure and in the quality of that infrastructure. It is still a concern that Casement Park remains an outstanding issue. That would be the largest of the three stadia available to us.”
“We have seen some good examples in that regard. During my term of office, Derry city was the first jurisdiction in the entire UK to achieve the status of a WorldHost city. That was good. There are other issues around training. We need to see how we can support the sector in its desire to engage in work around apprenticeships and youth training. Clearly, it sees potential opportunities in that regard. <BR /> <BR />Gordon Dunne talked about the investment that has been made in stadia and hotels. We note and take into account what was said in that regard, but I need to stress that we missed an opportunity in Northern Ireland in relation to the development of a shared sports facility across the three leading spectator sports; instead, we went for three separate stadia.”
“If we are looking for sustainability we cannot build a strategy solely around those events. We need to ensure that there are proper spin-offs from the events that we manage to attract and ensure that we invest in a balance of reasons for people to come to Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />If we are looking at the specific issue of sustainability in terms of sports and events-related tourism, one of the key issues is the level of repeat visits by those who come for the initial sporting event and the recommendations that they make to their friends, colleagues and family members to come to Northern Ireland. In that regard, customer care will be very important. I encourage the Minister to look again at WorldHost training to ensure that we do as much as we can to maximise its uptake across the cities, towns and villages of Northern Ireland.”
“Such a strategy also needs to reflect the all-island dimensions and the connectivity issues on the island. <BR /> <BR />We should also bear it in mind that tourism, as a sector in our economy, remains significantly underdeveloped relative to comparative jurisdictions elsewhere in these islands and internationally. There is significant room for growth, and obviously that should be a priority sector for the Executive and the Department. That demand is reflected by many across the sector, and it will have cross-cutting benefits in a range of areas. <BR /> <BR />It is also important that we look specifically at sports tourism. We talk about the high-profile events, but we must recognise that they tend to be variable. We will bid for those. In some, we will be successful; in others, less so. They will come to us very irregularly.”
“There are a lot of very important issues on the economy that we need to get our heads round. <BR /> <BR />Secondly, it is simply not good enough, when looking at the specifics of where we are with sport tourism, to sit back and list what we have achieved to date and say how great that has been for our economy and how we are now on the international map. There are some very particular issues that we need to address on that subject. First, as has been referred to by a number of Members, there is the absence of a tourism strategy. That is not a recent development; it is a long-running gap in the suite of strategies that an Executive should have in place. Clearly, a tourism strategy is a fundamental cornerstone of any wider economic strategy, and that is something that we need to address as soon as possible.”
“I support the motion and the amendment. Before I make some direct points about the motion, I will reflect on some of the things that Alan Chambers has just said. There is a rather self-congratulatory tone to the motion, which is of concern in two respects. First, although it is welcome that we are having a debate in the Assembly on the economy, it strikes me that we are using precious time to discuss an issue where the supporters of the motion wish to pass on congratulations and recognise how well we have done. We are doing that at the expense of discussing some of the more pressing issues that face us, such as what we are going to do on an economic strategy, the implications of Brexit for our market access, the future of corporation tax, what we are doing on manufacturing and what we are doing on higher education funding.”
“The Minister talks about the amount of money he is investing in improving the infrastructure, but does he also recognise that the nature of governance in NI Water actually constrains the ability of the Executive to invest as much as possible, given that NI Water does not have borrowing powers? What plans does he have to address this, bearing in mind that the Assembly recently was very concerned when the Office for National Statistics (ONS) tried to reclassify housing associations and take away their borrowing rights?”
“— that touches on all Departments. At this stage, the implementation plan solely deals with health issues. We need to see a lot more cross-cutting activity for all Departments.”
“We may need to invest further in agricultural subsidies locally if that funding is cut off from Westminster. One thing is clear: we will not get our share of the £350 million a week repatriated from Brussels. There is also the uncertainty around the current in-year situation, in that healthcare inflation is running at 5% to 6%, with a budget increase of 2% and very little in monitoring round bids. That indicates the potential for a black hole to open during this financial year pre-reform, and we need to consider how we will manage it in-year. <BR /> <BR />Finally, in looking ahead to implementation, it is important to bear it in mind that this has to be a cross-cutting issue —”
“Even in the current financial year, in which the health system got, I think, a 2% increase, that still fell short of healthcare inflation, so the system is already facing challenges this year. Even that modest increase in health spending came at the expense of virtually every other Department facing a cut. We know that, over the mandate, our block grant is set to flatline at best, but we are now faced with the effects of Brexit, and the impact on the UK's public finances are very uncertain; indeed, there are warnings of an even bigger black hole opening over the coming years. The implications for Northern Ireland are unclear. <BR /> <BR />We also have the potential wider implications of funding a lower rate of corporation tax to help transform our economy.”
“We have to invest in that transformation process, but how much it will cost and where we find that money are the key issues that will face us. Christopher Stalford and the Minister were right to challenge Gerry Carroll on how much he wanted to see invested in the health system, but, equally, they have a duty to spell out how much the transformation outlined in the reports will amount to and where they intend to find the money. <BR /> <BR />The DUP and Sinn Féin went into the last election with a commitment to spend an additional £1 billion on health by 2021. That is a nice round number that takes into account healthcare inflation, but we need to know today whether that commitment still stands and how they intend to separate that commitment from the wider financial context that we face.”
“On the basis of the current configuration of the health system, we are looking at healthcare inflation in the region of 5% to 6% per annum, which is well in advance of the ability of the Executive to invest resources. Therefore, we need to have a proper discussion of finances. <BR /> <BR />The need for the 10-year implementation plan has been well received by the Assembly — we certainly welcome and endorse the response — but it is important that we recognise the financial issues, which have not perhaps been teased out as much in this debate as I would have liked. We need to focus a bit on the finance. We have to accept that there is a need to invest further in our health and social care system in order for it to become more effective and sustainable.”
“We are always constructive, and we are willing to support the Minister and Executive in delivering the new vision and ensuring that we see positive change in our health system — provided, of course, that the reports are followed through and expert advice is given its proper place and guides us in the way forward. I note the comments from Catherine Seeley, I think it was, about Sinn Féin opposing populism in this regard. That is an important statement, and we look forward to that being the way forward. <BR /> <BR />As many people have said, the current approach is not sustainable. That lack of sustainability applies in two respects. One is that we are not getting the best outcomes and results in the system. It is not as good as it could or should be. Secondly, our finances are in a difficult and challenging situation.”
“I thank the Minister for her comments and her commitment to work with the Assembly and give frequent reports to the Assembly and the Committee, setting a positive example in that regard. If we are to see this generational change in our health and social care system, we need to find as wide a political consensus as possible because there are some difficult decisions coming down the line. <BR /> <BR />I want to echo what my colleague Paula Bradshaw said at the start: we in Alliance are not interested in being simply opposition for opposition's sake.”
“I am grateful to the Member for giving way. One of the most bizarre things about our system of government is that the issues regarding health reform were not brought to the last Executive. There was zero discussion on any occasion around Transforming Your Care or Donaldson; the discussion was purely around money. It is perverse in a society like ours that we do not discuss the big issues. Only the transactional business is brought to the Executive, and nothing strategic was ever discussed.”
“I am grateful to the Member for giving way. I want to tease out the implications of what he says. He said that there was now support from the DUP on the Executive for delivering this version of reform, but he also said that the report was very similar to other, previous reports under DUP Ministers. By implication, is he saying that Sinn Féin is at fault for failing to support the DUP Ministers and that we have missed the opportunity to get on with this over the past number of years?”
“More and more housing developments back on to it, including the site of the Helen's Wood proposal. Again, that is a situation —”
“Although I concur with him about the potential planning application resolving the issue, I ask the Minister to clarify the legal situation with cars being loaded and offloaded at that point, given that elsewhere there would be indications if there were a blockage on a road; for example, if roadworks were taking place. <BR /> <BR />It is also worth briefly putting on record that the A2 cannot be seen in isolation. There are also the issues with the Sydenham bypass, which needs a third lane added right through to Dee Street. That is a problem. The Rathgael Road in Bangor perhaps does not have the same number of road accidents as the A2, but it is essentially a C-class rural road that has developed over the years because of the volume of traffic using it.”
“Those maybe give it the air of being a dual carriageway, but it is nonetheless a very difficult junction, where cars often come around at speed. It is officially a 40 mph zone, but, as we know, the speed limits are not always obeyed, and cars can very quickly be confronted with another car waiting to make a right-hand turn into Kinnegar. That junction is difficult enough as things stand, but, as the Minister will be well aware, the MoD announced yesterday that it intends to sell off some property. There is now the potential for the Kinnegar base to be sold off, and the likelihood is that it will be used for housing, which will place further and greater pressure on the area. <BR /> <BR />It would also be useful if the Minister could clarify the point that was made by Gordon Dunne about the garage and car showroom at Ballyrobert.”
“Although I appreciate that major accidents can come in waves, we have had a clear uptick this year, and the risks and dangers there are very clear for all of us to see, particularly those of us who use the road on an ongoing basis. We will have to consider the provision of some dedicated right-hand-turn facilities at certain points along the road. It may even be that we have to make it illegal to make right-hand turns at certain places and request that, as happens in other situations, people go to a safer junction and double back to make what will, in due course, become a left-hand turn. <BR /> <BR />Reference has been made to some of the really difficult junctions, in particular between Ballyrobert and Holywood. I want to add to that concerns about the entrance to the Kinnegar area, which is, in theory, blocked off by safety barriers.”
“The first is how we best combat congestion, which is probably a debate for another day, but the paramount interest has to be that of road safety, given that the situation is getting critical.”
“Outside the context of the motorways and the Westlink, it probably rivals the A1 in terms of the record volume of traffic. The importance of what we are talking about here is massive, and we cannot ignore it. Clearly, we have a situation, in terms of the volume of traffic, where the road has developed without further or sufficient recognition being taken of the character of the area around it and the fact that it is a residential area. To take things to an extreme level, on what is a major commuter route, with a huge volume of traffic, we have a situation where people are making manoeuvres in and out of driveways that back on to portions of the road, never mind the road junctions themselves. <BR /> <BR />In essence, there are two competing requirements here.”
“I also thank Gordon Dunne for bringing this important Adjournment debate before the Assembly. At the outset, I recognise that there are no easy answers to the problems that we are setting out here today. At the very least, we and, in particular, the Minister must acknowledge that the status quo is simply not sustainable for the A2. Creative minds, including the suggestions that have come from MLAs today and elsewhere, need to be corralled, and some further remedies, building on what Alan Chambers said, need to be taken forward as soon as possible. I also appreciate that there are constraints on resources. <BR /> <BR />In essence, we have what is now one of the major roads in Northern Ireland, given the volume of traffic.”
“— the DUP has actively made efforts to fund Charter NI for many years, never mind about level playing fields.”
“When you are pictured with current paramilitaries and accept and justify that, you undermine the Government's effort to tackle paramilitarism. It sends out a signal that other voices in communities do not matter and that those people are the gatekeepers and the ones that you cherish. There is no point in saying that Charter NI won funding fair and square —”
“That is a UK Government, who, many would argue, have, at times, had an overly pragmatic approach to dealing with paramilitaries because they wanted to keep the political show on the road. When the UK Treasury says that there is a problem, we need to take heed keenly. It is also worth bearing it in mind that 'A Fresh Start' refers to other actions that need to take place to get a robust plan to tackle division in our community. That is directly linked to the strategy on dealing with paramilitaries, and there is no evidence of it being taken forward. <BR /> <BR />I want to focus my closing remarks on the need for the protocol. The protocol is a fundamental recommendation in the panel report. We see evidence of why it is needed when Ministers engage with current paramilitaries — I say "current paramilitaries" and not "people with a past".”
“We are simply saying, "We are covered on that recommendation. We are fine, and we don't need to do something else". <BR /> <BR />There is also the notion that the timescale was too rushed and that this was the best effort we could make in the available time. Who set the timescale? It was the DUP and Sinn Féin in Fresh Start. They set the end of June as the deadline for the action plan. There is also the notion that we are being somehow critical of the Executive because they cannot spend all the money during this year, and we are told that it is no good throwing money at a problem and that we have to ensure that money is spent wisely. I agree with that, but the fundamental issue that they have to pick up on is that the UK Government are saying that the action plan itself is not good enough.”
“I hope to be proven wrong in that regard, but, from what I have seen, that is very much a view that people could easily come to. <BR /> <BR />What we have before us is a very weak action plan. The panel report was robust, but the action plan is weak. It is important that we recall why the action plan is weak. It does not have a proper strategic analysis; it does not have proper targets; it does not have a proper implementation plan; and it does not indicate the resources that will come forward. It is very much a tick-box exercise, as my colleague Stewart Dickson stated, where, in essence, we try to shoehorn the different recommendations in alongside the existing policies and practices of Departments rather than showing evidence of a rethink and of applying some of the advice from the panel and seeing how we can do things differently.”
“At that time, there was a lot of indignation about the effect of paramilitaries on our society and people saying that something must be done. Therefore, we had the Fresh Start Agreement and these commitments. If you want to take a very cynical view, you could view what has been produced so far as a box-ticking exercise, the outworkings of the necessary steps that had to be taken to keep the political show on the road rather than a genuine commitment to a clear and new way forward in addressing these issues.”
“This has a corrosive effect on our society as a whole and, in particular, the individuals who are most directly affected by it. It is a corruption of the rule of law. In practice, the rule of law does not entirely hold in certain areas, and we do not have a normal society. This impacts on people's individual human rights and their opportunity to develop to their full potential and play a full role within society, as they continue to exist under the boot of illegitimate social control that exists in many areas. It also impacts on our economy. The very clear and visible signs that parts of Northern Ireland are de facto no-go areas are a deterrent to investment and the improvement of people's economic opportunities. <BR /> <BR />The more immediate context, of course, is last summer's political crisis.”
“It is worth noting that this is the first proper opportunity that the Assembly has had to discuss the panel report and the Executive's so-called action plan since their publication in the spring and summer of this year. That the Executive have failed to provide their own opportunity in that regard during that period is, in itself, a damning indictment of the problems around accountability. <BR /> <BR />This is, of course, a serious issue that continues to afflict our society. It is important that we bear in mind the context in which we are discussing this matter. Eighteen years on from the Good Friday Agreement and 22 years on from the ceasefires, too many communities in Northern Ireland continue to be under the grip of paramilitaries.”
“Given that one of the implications of the High Court ruling in London on the use of the royal prerogative to trigger article 50 was that the Government in London do not have the right to legislate where legislation already exists, does the First Minister have concerns over the legality of the decision to use the royal prerogative in Northern Ireland in relation to the press secretary?”
“Is it safe, therefore, to assume that the Department of Health can live within its budget this year and there will not be recourse to monitoring rounds to fund healthcare, as there has been in previous years, and that we will avoid what happened last year, when a last-minute bid for waiting lists was not fully spent on waiting lists?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. He will be well aware that, before the reforms announced by the Minister this morning, healthcare inflation was running at 6% but the Budget increase for the Department of Health this year was only about 2%. However, in this statement, the only money for Health is in the form of the very welcome muscular dystrophy funds.”
“I, and many others, are concerned that we are seeing a shift by stealth in the balance between the Executive and the Assembly regarding financial scrutiny; and, indeed, the deputy First Minister has been at pains in the past to stress that the Assembly has to be given its place in that regard. Therefore, Mr Speaker, I ask you to look into this matter and ensure that the Assembly — and its Committees, in particular, which have a statutory duty to hold Departments to account and provide scrutiny — is being given its proper place in the financial process.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. We are about to hear a statement from the Finance Minister on the October monitoring round. The Minister is at pains to stress the new procedures that the Executive are now using, and I do not necessarily dispute their right to have a different approach to monitoring rounds. However, it is my understanding that very few Committees in the Assembly, if any, have had a full briefing on the financial situation as it pertains to their Departments. <BR /> <BR />We are also likely to be facing a situation where there is no draft Budget for the forthcoming financial year. We also see a curious line in the Minister's statement where the Executive are saying what is appropriate in terms of parliamentary scrutiny.”
“I thank the Minister for her statement. She has welcomed the report and commended Professor Bengoa and his colleagues for their work, but she has not taken the opportunity to systematically go through the recommendations in her statement or documentation and give her response. It is traditional for Ministers, when they receive reports, to give their view of the report as a whole. For the avoidance of any doubt, will the Minister clarify whether she fully accepts the report that has been presented by Professor Bengoa in its entirety and, if not, what aspects she does not accept?”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. On the heels of his last answers, does the deputy First Minister recognise that there is a wider problem with regard to ministerial conduct, openness and transparency, and that we have seen a decline in standards during this mandate with regard to things like responses to FOIs, the number of ministerial statements to the House, delays in responses to questions and, indeed, non-responses by Ministers to very important ministerial debates, including today's debate on Brexit?”
“It is not usual for me to come to the defence of either Sinn Féin or the SDLP, but I will just say that it is a mistake for people to assume that the issue about special status and the consequences for Northern Ireland is purely for nationalists. Clearly, the Alliance Party is not a nationalist party. We were contacted over the summer by people from across the spectrum, including people who would declare themselves unionists, who are deeply concerned about the implications of Brexit and have asked us to take forward the cause of finding out some solution particular to Northern Ireland.”
“I am also disappointed that there is no specific call for the Executive to show leadership around special status. That would greatly enhance the prospects of success. It is a travesty that no Ministers are here to respond to what is one of the most important issues facing Northern Ireland.”
“As much as I do recognise and respect the right of nationalists to seek a united Ireland, this process of advocating special status for Northern Ireland must be based on pragmatism and separated from that wider aspiration.”
“<BR /> <BR />At this stage, of course, there is no shared or common understanding of what is meant by special status or what it should look like. It could be something where Northern Ireland is an associate member of the European Union or we could be part of the European Union or we could be outside the European Union with a special set of arrangements. We are not expecting that type of answer to be provided today or in the coming days. However, over the coming months and, indeed, over the coming weeks, there is, nevertheless, an urgent necessity for all relevant stakeholders to come together to do just that. In that regard, the decision to have the forum in Dublin is, to our mind, particularly welcome and should not be seen as threatening. <BR /> <BR />I want to say a couple of things to make a slight qualification.”
“For some, this talk of special status may be viewed as the counterpoint to Northern Ireland just being treated as an integral part of the UK and the UK as a whole leaving the European Union. However, in practice, the choice is between discussing and negotiating some form of special status or seeing Northern Ireland by default becoming some form of anomaly. Already, the people of Northern Ireland have the right to be Irish citizens and, therefore, EU citizens. Already, large parts of our economy such as agri-food are organised on a North/South basis. Apart from warm words, there is no clarity on how the interface between the UK and the EU and the movement of EU nationals plus goods and services will be managed. Also, we must protect the Good Friday Agreement.”
“We had hoped to have a step change in our inward investment profile, but this was clearly linked to unfettered access to the single market. I want to stress that the European Union is not really about handouts but allowing us to compete on our own two feet through having access to those markets. <BR /> <BR />Thirdly, we have greater uncertainty over potential borders to people or goods being erected somewhere in these islands. <BR /> <BR />Finally, we are concerned about the implications for the Good Friday Agreement. This was a finely balanced settlement with three strands and has facilitated a shared space for open, mixed and multiple identities. When lines are drawn or redrawn on maps or barriers are erected between people, it is not good. <BR /> <BR />This builds the case for exploring some form of special status for Northern Ireland.”
“This region did very clearly vote to remain. <BR /> <BR />Overall, Brexit is a bad thing. Everyone across the UK is set to suffer some degree of consequence from this vote. The harder the Brexit, the deeper the consequences will be. By contrast, a very soft Brexit could avoid some of the wider economic and political challenges facing the UK and, indeed, Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />This region is particularly vulnerable, and I want to cite four areas. The first is financial support from EU funds. We achieve more per head from these than we would through any Barnett consequentials, assuming that they were available. This is particularly so in terms of agricultural support. <BR /> <BR />Secondly, our economy has been improving in recent years but has still to truly lift off.”
“In parallel, the devastating implications for the future prosperity of the UK, and especially to this region, are becoming ever clearer. The Northern Ireland perspective continues to be marginalised, most recently shown by our Secretary of State not being part of the Cabinet Committee on Brexit. <BR /> <BR />"Leave" advocates somehow suggest that there is a choice between trading with the rest of the world and trading with the EU. We can and should do both, and it is through the single market that we can best open up new trading opportunities. By contrast, the risk of erecting barriers to what remains by far our largest external market is an act of supreme folly. Northern Ireland is a distinct political entity, with the right to determine its own political future recognised in international law.”
“Last week the Assembly backed an Alliance amendment which recognised the importance of continued participation in the EU single market. To make it clear to Mr Frew, and to put it on record, the DUP and Sinn Féin do not agree on whether or not Northern Ireland should continue to be part of the single market. <BR /> <BR />This motion allows us to move to the next step in beginning to scope out the political arrangements that give effect to addressing the particular challenges facing Northern Ireland. While the UK has voted to leave the European Union, what Brexit entails continues to mean different things for different people, and the referendum result does nothing to assist in this regard. <BR /> <BR />Over the past few weeks the UK Government have signalled a greater likelihood of a hard Brexit.”
“Building on the Minister's last but one answer, what plans does he have to work with his colleague the Minister for the Economy on the creation of a formal 14-19 strategy for Northern Ireland? As part of that, what steps can he take to ensure that there is a proper division of labour between schools and FE colleges to avoid the situation that we have seen recently where schools are trying to replicate some of the vocational areas in which FE colleges have a comparative advantage and where they have a financial incentive to hang onto students when it is in their interest to go somewhere else for their education?”