Kellie Armstrong
Strangford · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the Fisheries, Aquaculture and Water Environment Bill. It is timely and important. Miss McIlveen, a fellow MLA for the Strangford constituency, has just spoken.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Bill reflects the realities of the post-Brexit landscape by aligning protections here with those in other UK jurisdictions and the UK Fisheries Act. That consistency is important for standards, enforcement and international confidence in our products.”
“Last year, I met the Department and we discussed that. The opportunities for seaweed farming in Strangford lough are wonderful, and the opportunities from seaweed that Queen's University has identified are incredible. We are lucky to have those opportunities on our doorstep, as long as there is licensing and it is properly looked after.”
“Moving beyond managing individual fisheries, the Bill recognises the interconnected nature of our rivers, loughs and seas — an approach that is very much in line with Alliance's commitment to evidence-based environmental policy. The inclusion of a national benefit objective is also significant.”
“A while ago, we saw that commercial bottom trawling had all but decimated the horse mussel population in Strangford lough. It has since been changed to a special area of conservation. That limits a lot of activity in the lough, which is not a bad thing considering that horse mussels are coming back.”
“They allow for timely action on lower-level offences without over-burdening the courts while still acting as a meaningful deterrent. If only everybody were acting properly, we would not need to have those deterrents, but we are where we are, and the Bill hopes to improve upon that.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,635 lines we hold for Kellie Armstrong, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 10 of 53.
“When he was asked why he had changed his mind about being a member of a paramilitary group, the man said:”
“The man claimed that the UDA controlled "100%" of an illegal drug network in the south-east Antrim area:”
“The UDA member claimed that the paramilitary group was heavily involved in serious crime in the south-east Antrim area. The BBC reported:”
“No Government should entertain groups or individuals who are determined to control the community, particularly those that are in areas of deprivation. <BR /> <BR />The risk of paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland today looks different from how it did in 1998, but the situation remains gravely dangerous. Paramilitaries are engaged in unlawful efforts to bully, harass and force their perceived opponents out of the public square. Left unchecked, that creates a tinderbox for further unrest across Northern Ireland. It is in that context that the Irish and UK Governments are engaging with people who should have left the stage a long time ago. <BR /> <BR />I will take you back to a 2016 interview by Kevin Magee from BBC Northern Ireland, when a member of the UDA outlined how he could not escape the control of paramilitaries.”
“In the past year, thugs have threatened Housing Executive staff in an attempt to prevent homes being allocated to people whom those thugs perceive as not being welcome, whether that is because of the colour of their skin, their religion or simply because the criminals want the home for a family member. <BR /> <BR />Ministers met so-called loyalist representatives of a group that is well aware of the criminal activities that are taking place, but what did those meetings achieve? There has been no move towards an end of drug selling or the prostitution of young boys or girls to pay off debts. All that that achieved was to give a voice to the people who want to keep control and increase segregation. Coordinated intimidation is poisonous.”
“Evidence of the threat that those criminals pose to civil society is easy to find. In my constituency, people have been put out of their home, houses and cars have been set on fire, illegal lending is rife and masked men have stood outside a courthouse trying to intimidate witnesses. Their behaviour is more like that of private militia and white supremacist groups that mobilise against local targets in order to maintain control and continue moneymaking. <BR /> <BR />Intimidation by so-called paramilitary groups can have a chilling effect on participation in democratic processes or can stop people making reports to the PSNI by forcing individuals to choose between risking their safety and making their voice heard. An undercurrent of intimidation impacts on daily life across places where the most vulnerable live.”
“The UK and Irish Governments may believe that they are working towards peace by engaging with so-called paramilitaries — every paramilitary is illegal; for anybody who has belonged to a proscribed organisation, in the past or now, if they still hold membership, that is illegal — but, in their naivety, they will be engaging with active criminals whose activity includes drug dealing, prostitution, illegal lending and racist targeting. Hiding behind the terms of the Troubles, those criminals care more about the money that they can make than they do about any constitutional ideology. <BR /> <BR />I come to the House to uphold the law. It is illegal to be a member of a proscribed organisation. I take umbrage at Mr Beattie's saying that there are good paramilitaries and bad paramilitaries. There are no good paramilitaries.”
“I agree absolutely with the Member that those transitional works have to be done in communities. However, there is absolutely no reporting of outcomes or of any achievements from any of those. I sit on the Committee for Communities, and I have looked and looked, and I see no outcomes. We know the bums on seats who attend classes, but we have no outcomes to say that paramilitary intimidation and control of those areas have gone.”
“Minister, I appreciate that you are not the Minister for Communities, but will you provide clarification? An Executive strategy is within the remit of the Executive; the Minister for Communities is not in charge of the Executive. Will you explain how we will monitor and measure the effectiveness of the anti-poverty strategy when it eventually appears — 18 years late — given that other Departments will be involved and Committees are blocked from asking questions of those Departments?”
“We heard from the nurses at the all-party group meeting that there is supposed to be one inclusion health service nurse in each health trust area, with more in Belfast because of the pressures there. We heard that the Northern Trust does not have anyone. When will we see a full cohort of those nurses recruited and in place to help homeless people?”
“<BR /> <BR />As someone who represents housing, I ask Members to look at domestic violence. We have victims fleeing domestic violence, but, because the name of their perpetrator is on the lease of the house, it is the victim who has to leave. Is that right? If we are going to accelerate action, protect everyone and have a gender-equal society, we need to rethink some of our policies.”
“Another thing — it is difficult, as a woman, to understand why we cannot get over this — is how we measure section 75 impacts. The equality impact assessments that are brought forward for our policies and strategies look at who we are not doing damage to, when, in fact, it would be a massive change if it was turned around and all Departments and we as elected officials were asked to say how we are making improvements in equity under section 75 and how we are ensuring that equitable productive and proactive issues are being brought forward for women, older people and people with dependants. If we want to accelerate gender equality, we have to put our shoulders to the wheel. Part of that is progressive and proactive actions to ensure that equity is as important as equality.”
“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) has not been included enough in the underpinning of all strategies and policies across Northern Irish government. If that was included, everybody would have to think, "How are we doing? What are we doing to eliminate discrimination against women?". <BR /> <BR />I sit in this place. While it is not a bad place to be a woman in, I am sick to the back teeth of somebody having difficulty with the term "Chair". They will call a woman, "Madam Chairman" and things like that. I do not get why it is so difficult. There is a wee bit of difficulty in the House.”
“Other Members have mentioned the difficulties with social media — the bullying, the trolling and all the nasty side of things — but the role comes with such benefits. We can make changes across Northern Ireland when we come together, and we have come together to do amazing things. Some of the work that is being done today by all of us on domestic violence is testament to that. <BR /> <BR />If we want to accelerate women and gender equality across Northern Ireland, we are missing a trick.”
“What was happening was that there was a disparity between the parties. We spoke to all parties at that time, including mine. One of the things that came to light was that, when you ask a woman whether she is interested in standing, she is more likely to do so. <BR /> <BR />The Women's Caucus recently held an event in the Long Gallery. At the table that I was sitting at, all the women, from different parties, admitted that they had been asked by a man to step forward for a political position. They had done so and had been successful. Why were they asked by a man? If we are talking about accelerating women, we as women need to do more to encourage our sisters to come forward and do as we have done. It can be difficult to be a woman in politics and in leadership.”
“I congratulate Aoife on her maiden speech. I remember when I made mine. It was during a Budget debate with Máirtín Ó Muilleoir. Unfortunately, his response was not as kind. I spoke during an untimed debate on legislation, so I did not have the nerves of meeting the time limit. Well done. <BR /> <BR />I had not intended to speak, but I will add some information to the debate. Many years ago, before I was elected either as a councillor or as an MLA, I spent some time with colleagues across all parties under the then Speaker, Mitchel McLaughlin, looking at barriers to politics for women. At that stage, we concluded that it was not the case that, when the electorate had the opportunity to vote for a woman, it did not take it. Many women who are put on the ballot are elected.”
“I came to the House in 2016, and, at last, we have a Programme for Government. We have something to work towards and deliver. I am up for the challenge, and I hope that everyone in the House is.”
“I absolutely would be. Perhaps the Member will write to me, as the Chair of the Committee on Procedures, and ask whether we need to update Standing Orders. <BR /> <BR />Bearing in mind the ministerial code of conduct and the Members' code of conduct, we are supposed to work in this place to make things better for others. If the LGBTQIA+ community cannot see itself in the Programme for Government and after what we heard earlier about what a woman is — I am a woman — and the disregard for trans women in the feedback, how can I have absolute assurance that objectivity and equality will be taken forward as the Programme for Government is being delivered? I do not want to sit in the House and know that some Ministers are not treating everyone equally. <BR /> <BR />It is an exciting time.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to have cross-departmental examination. How will the Executive ensure that we no longer hear Ministers say, "That's not my Department", and that, instead, we hear them say, "Here are our solutions, and here's how we brought everybody together to create the solutions"? We need to make progress on key social strategies. We have priorities that have been set down, but it has to be done with consideration of the ministerial code of conduct in the back of your mind.”
“I am on the Committee for Communities, and the work that needs to be done on housing will prevent people from entering the health system because, instead of having 47,000 people without a proper home, we will give people a roof over their head and a safe place in which to sleep and improve their health and well-being and their education and employment outcomes. However, while working through the priorities, we must continue to learn from the RHI inquiry to ensure that effective scrutiny is being carried out. Although housing is in Communities, I need to see from Infrastructure that work is being done on the waste water treatment system and that planning is being updated so that we can achieve our climate change targets. Removing fossil fuels from the heating systems in our houses is key.”
“My party is in the Executive, so of course we are going to support the Programme for Government, but I am also an MLA; I am here to support and scrutinise Ministers. It is becoming extraordinarily difficult to do so when some Ministers are withholding information from Committees. I am making a call-out to say that that is no longer appropriate. They should not go to the media first and then come to Committee as an afterthought. All Committees are here to support the Executive, and we look forward to doing so.”
“One of the ways in which we can do that is by respecting our partners who help us, and by making sure that they feel respected and seen in our documentation. <BR /> <BR />It is time — again, I ask that this be included in the feedback at the end of the debate — for us to remember the RHI inquiry recommendation:”
“<BR /> <BR />I ask the First Minister and deputy First Minister in their feedback to state whether, when we deliver the Programme for Government, we can ensure that we respect all the individuals with whom we work as partners when it comes to co-production and co-design. At the weekend, I spoke to some people involved in the disability co-production group for the disability strategy who are very harmed and hurt by the fact that it sounds as though we are starting all over again with the disability strategy, instead of carrying it forward. They invested a lot of time and energy into the working groups that were involved in developing what could become the disability strategy, and they feel that they have been set aside. Part of the way forward for the Programme for Government is to make a positive change for people.”
“They included older people; mental health; poverty; arts; disability; culture; social care; LGBTQIA+; rural areas; community, voluntary and social sector enterprises; the business sector; and minority ethnic and Irish language groups. That just shows how much work we have to do to bring people along with us and ensure that their voices are heard. I look forward to, at some point within the 25 months that are left of the mandate, seeing an active ageing strategy, an anti-poverty strategy, a disability strategy, a gender equality strategy and a sexual orientation strategy finally coming from the Department for Communities.”
“I am very grateful to those who spoke for less than their seven allocated minutes so that I am able to get in today. I am very grateful to Mr Aiken for saying that he supports the Programme for Government, because, for a wee while, I thought that he had joined the Opposition Benches. <BR /> <BR />This is a foundation document. As my colleagues have said, it is not everything that Alliance wants; it is a baseline for us to work from. I saw a consultation response that said that some sectors and groups could not see themselves in the Programme for Government and wanted more clarity on how it would support them.”
“During the most recent meeting of the Committee for Communities, it was made aware of the fact that the disabled facilities grant may be funded but that no budget would be allocated to the Housing Executive for it to make disability adaptations to its properties. In the shameful absence of the disability strategy, does the Minister agree that failing to provide accessible housing to meet the needs of tenants is discrimination?”
“Is it possible to have a list of the invitations received by the First Minister and the deputy First Minister in the week around St Patrick's Day? I know that you have said that there are certain meetings that you want to have, but what invitations came into your offices?”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. You mentioned Mount Stewart which, as you know, is in the Strangford constituency. Have you any more detail on the impact on Mount Stewart, and would you be willing to visit it with me to see how the National Trust is responding to that damage?”
“Housing is included in the Programme for Government: it is now time for action not words.”
“By implementing the new deal, we can create a private rented sector that offers affordable, secure and high-quality housing for all. <BR /> <BR />The challenges in our private rented sector are multifaceted and deeply entrenched. However, with decisive action and comprehensive reforms, we can transform the sector from being one in which a tenant has to choose between a roof over their head or dinner on their table to one that serves the best interests of tenants and landlords. While this is another non-binding motion, I urge my fellow Members to support the proposal and commit to delivering a new deal for private renters in Northern Ireland. Doing so will send a strong and clear message to the Minister for Communities and the Executive that the House wants better for our private renters.”
“There should be an increase in the affordable rental supply by utilising existing housing stock more effectively and incentivising the development of new affordable rental properties to alleviate the supply shortage. That would include reducing the number of short-term holiday lets and making greater use of empty homes. Finally, there should be a thorough review of housing standards and the enforcement of minimum fitness standards. The enforcement mechanisms should be strengthened to ensure that all rental properties are safe and habitable, including statutory time frames for landlords to investigate and carry out repairs. <BR /> <BR />Those proposals are not merely aspirational; they are grounded in the urgent needs of our constituents.”
“Alliance proposes that a third-generation rent regulation could provide renters and landlords with a fair solution. <BR /> <BR />The next measure is a ban on no-fault evictions. There should be legislation to prohibit evictions without a valid reason, which would provide tenants with greater security and stability in their homes. The third measure is open-ended tenancies. Open-ended tenancies should be established as the standard, with a move away from fixed-term contracts, which often disadvantage tenants. The fourth measure will be the creation of a statutory housing ombudsman, who will create an independent body to oversee disputes between tenants and landlords, ensuring accountability and access to justice.”
“There are three generations of control, as outlined in the Chartered Institute of Housing's report, which confirms Professor Richard Arnott's typology of rent control, and states:”
“Tenants have been left without those essential safeguards in the interim. The intention of the House was to ensure that renters were provided with fair notice at the end of a tenancy. That, too, has not been delivered. Furthermore, the absence of a statutory housing ombudsman means that tenants lack a dedicated avenue for resolving disputes efficiently and fairly. <BR /> <BR />To address those challenges, Alliance recently published a comprehensive new deal for private renters, which encompasses the following key measures. There will be third-generation rent controls that implement a considered system of rent regulation to prevent unstable rent hikes and ensure affordability for tenants while providing fair returns for landlords.”
“<BR /> <BR />The insecurity inherent in short-term tenancies leaves many renters in a perpetual state of uncertainty. The looming threat of eviction or unexpected rent hikes can disrupt lives, affecting employment, education and community ties. The Private Tenancies Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 introduced various measures, such as restricting rent increases to once every 12 months. However, without comprehensive regulations to enforce those provisions, tenants remain vulnerable to abrupt changes that can lead to displacement and financial hardship. While the Private Tenancies Act aimed to enhance tenant protections, its implementation has been piecemeal. The sections that address critical issues, such as smoke, heat and carbon monoxide alarms, were scheduled to come into force by the end of last year.”
“Such disparities force families into making difficult decisions, often sacrificing essential needs — food and heating — to keep a roof over their heads. That imbalance is exacerbated by a significant undersupply of rental properties. Estate agents report an average of 46 enquiries for every available rental unit, which is a clear indicator of the demand-supply mismatch. Contributing factors include delays in private housebuilding, inadequate funding for new homes, planning system bottlenecks and insufficient water infrastructure capacity. Moreover, with over 48,000 individuals on the social housing waiting list, many low-income families are compelled to seek housing in the private sector, often at higher cost and with fewer protections.”
“Thank you, Deputy Speaker. I wish to address a pressing issue affecting the over 300,000 individuals in Northern Ireland who rely on the private rented sector for their housing needs. The motion highlights the critical challenges of unaffordable rents, insufficient long-term security and inadequate tenant protections that many of our constituents face daily. <BR /> <BR />The affordability crisis in our private rental market is stark. In the final quarter of 2024, an average monthly rent consumed approximately 35% of the average income, escalating to an alarming 50% for our lowest earners. That surge in rental costs — a 9% increase from the previous year — far outpaced the 4% growth in average wages during the same period.”
“<BR /> <BR />I would like to know whether the Department is prepared to include in clause 9 the publication of an Executive sign language strategy and action plan to ensure that the report outlined in clause 9 can be scrutinised against set objectives by the Assembly and the public. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I have gone into some detail on the clauses, and I have done so as I believe that we have the opportunity to deliver legislation that will create a more progressive and inclusive society for people who are deaf or hard of hearing and especially those who communicate through BSL and ISL. I look forward to hearing from the Minister later and to working on the legislation during Committee Stage and future stages.”
“I am concerned that, as the lead Department, Communities will not be able to confer specific functions on Northern Ireland Departments. That is outlined in clause 7(3)(a). That is disappointing: it would be progressive to, for example, require Education to provide a GCSE or equivalent in sign language or require Health to ensure that sign language interpretation is available in labour wards when a women who is deaf is giving birth. I have a recent example of a family who use sign language but were not provided with communications in their first language — BSL — while the woman was giving birth. The lack of availability of an interpreter meant that that family had a very traumatic experience. Had staff had access to training and the ability to use sign language, it would have been a more inclusive experience.”
“While the intention of the clause is not to exclude people who are deaf, it would be more user-friendly to include a requirement to co-design and co-produce guidance with an appropriate cross section of people who use BSL and ISL. I believe that it would be helpful for all the guidance — all that great work — and the reviews of the guidance to be laid before the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />I would also like to know what the process will be should a prescribed organisation not provide reasonable steps in line with the guidelines produced. With whom will deaf people raise concerns when the guidance has not been followed or if the guidance does not meet the need? What penalties or repercussions will there be if the guidance is not followed by a body that is listed in the regulations? <BR /> <BR />I will move to clause 7.”
“For example, will a privately owned care home, a private domiciliary care provider or a charity-operated nursery be required to offer or facilitate sign language? <BR /> <BR />Clause 5(3) confirms that guidance will be provided and that that guidance will be developed in consultation with the prescribed organisation and:”
“I do not believe that affordability is an acceptable excuse for failing to provide sign language communications. If an organisation is required by law to recognise sign language as a language of Northern Ireland, it should have made provisions to ensure that communications are available in the languages of Northern Ireland, so I look forward to drawing out more detail on that clause during Committee Stage. <BR /> <BR />While clause 4 confirms that all Departments are automatically included in regulations and that a list of prescribed organisations will be included in regulations, as explained earlier, there needs to be a clear rationale for who will appear on the list and who will not. I feel that this reference in clause 4(4) is too loose:”
“I have to say that that terminology is unusual. It is difficult to locate a definition of the term "prescribed", and the Bill does not specify clearly enough which organisations those will be. In order to ensure that every organisation that is required to take reasonable steps understands that it is included under the legislation, I will need to know more than what has been provided to date. I am a great believer in keeping things simple and transparent, and I may consider an amendment if it could improve the clarity in that regard. <BR /> <BR />Clause 3(2)(b) provides a "Get out of jail free" card for organisations that have taken account of affordability matters when determining how their respective circumstances comply with the provisions of the Bill.”
“Making access equal for everyone will go a long way to reducing the isolation and loneliness of adults who have hearing loss in later life or who have had their hearing damaged through accident or injury. Promoting and providing learning to all would enable people to retain communication with others, reducing the isolation and social exclusion experienced by so many of our older adults. During a briefing to the Committee, officials pointed out that classes would be open to everyone. However, by specifically naming support for families and carers of children, the Bill does not convey that to me. <BR /> <BR />Clause 3 uses the term "prescribed organisations"; not "proscribed", which is something completely different and refers to banned terrorist organisations. It is "prescribed organisations". I raised that issue with officials.”
“BSL and ISL. While those provisions are very welcome, I would like to understand better what is meant by the term "promote". What will the strategic plan and measurement of success be to determine "greater use and understanding" of BSL and ISL? Without mention of investment, it is difficult to ascertain how successfully that will be delivered. <BR /> <BR />In clause 2(2), the Bill highlights the need to provide classes. It specifies the need to support the "families, guardians and carers" of children who are deaf. I agree that we should provide much more access to learning, but I would have preferred a more holistic approach to sign language classes to ensure that all of society is better able to communicate with people who use BSL and ISL.”
“It includes an obligation to ensure the availability of classes for:”
“That is not to say that I disagree with the Bill — I absolutely support it and look forward to its progressing — but there are some issues that I would like to understand better. <BR /> <BR />In clause 2, the Bill proposes that it is the lead Department's duty to promote:”
“I also thank Jordanstown School — or, to give it its full title, Jordanstown, the Northern Ireland School and Centre of Excellence for Children who are Deaf or Visually Impaired — which I was lucky enough to visit, and the pupils who highlighted why the inclusion of people who are deaf and hard of hearing must be improved across all public services and throughout society. <BR /> <BR />As a seasoned member of the Communities Committee — a good way of saying that I have been here a while — I look forward to the Committee Stage, when we will consider the 15 clauses in detail. Today, at Second Stage, I will raise some queries about the main principles of the Sign Language Bill.”
“— a great guy who explained to me why some people use Irish Sign Language and others use British Sign Language: years ago, people were sent to school in Dublin and therefore learnt Irish Sign Language, whereas, in more modern times, a lot of young people have been sent to school in England and have learnt British Sign Language. Thanks very much to John, whom I have met on many occasions and who is so encouraging and helpful to those of us in the community. <BR /> <BR />I thank Majella McAteer and Adam McCormick — I declare an interest in that Adam McCormick is a cousin of my husband — of the British Deaf Association for all their work. I recognise the work of Damian Barry, who contributed to the 10-year roadmap and its review.”
“I thank the Minister and congratulate him on bringing forward this long-awaited Sign Language Bill. <BR /> <BR />As many in the House know, I have moderate hearing loss and am a double hearing-aid wearer. As a member of the deaf and hard of hearing community, I welcome the confirmation that British Sign Language and Irish Sign Language will be formally recognised as languages in their own right through this legislation. That formal recognition is important for all who use BSL or ISL. I pay tribute to all the campaigners who have lobbied for so many years for their first language to be recognised. I thank all those involved in promoting and supporting sign language across Northern Ireland. I will specifically mention John Carberry —”