Kellie Armstrong
Strangford · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of the Fisheries, Aquaculture and Water Environment Bill. It is timely and important. Miss McIlveen, a fellow MLA for the Strangford constituency, has just spoken.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Bill reflects the realities of the post-Brexit landscape by aligning protections here with those in other UK jurisdictions and the UK Fisheries Act. That consistency is important for standards, enforcement and international confidence in our products.”
“Last year, I met the Department and we discussed that. The opportunities for seaweed farming in Strangford lough are wonderful, and the opportunities from seaweed that Queen's University has identified are incredible. We are lucky to have those opportunities on our doorstep, as long as there is licensing and it is properly looked after.”
“Moving beyond managing individual fisheries, the Bill recognises the interconnected nature of our rivers, loughs and seas — an approach that is very much in line with Alliance's commitment to evidence-based environmental policy. The inclusion of a national benefit objective is also significant.”
“A while ago, we saw that commercial bottom trawling had all but decimated the horse mussel population in Strangford lough. It has since been changed to a special area of conservation. That limits a lot of activity in the lough, which is not a bad thing considering that horse mussels are coming back.”
“They allow for timely action on lower-level offences without over-burdening the courts while still acting as a meaningful deterrent. If only everybody were acting properly, we would not need to have those deterrents, but we are where we are, and the Bill hopes to improve upon that.”
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“It is needed to help to set a footing for the way forward for all those who work in the sector, including those who work in film, TV, radio and photography, museums, galleries, libraries, music, performing and visual arts, architecture, the protection and management of heritage, publishing, advertising and marketing, design and designer fashion, crafts, IT software and computer services, and, importantly, those involved in the We Make Events side of the industry, including stage managers, roadies, transport, lighting, sound engineers, exhibition creators and venues, to name a few. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the motion, and I am very glad that Mr Durkan explained the amendment; I was concerned that it appeared to target the wrong people. We need a much more positive approach to our arts sector.”
“Earlier, Ms Áine Murphy said that a task force was launched in May 2021 to look at short-term measures to enable recovery. That task force is also to pave the way for a longer term strategy for the arts and creative industries, something that Mr Nesbitt calls for in his motion when it asks for a 10-year strategy. <BR /> <BR />On behalf of Alliance, I absolutely support the call for a long-term strategy.”
“Prior to COVID, I was very fortunate to watch 'Shirley Valentine' at the Lyric. I was very fortunate again recently to attend the MAC, on its return, when it was showing 'Distortion', which is a play written by Amanda Verlaque that has been turned into a film for online audiences. I highly recommend that to MLAs as, in parts, the subject matter will be very familiar to all of you. I miss exhibitions and am yet to get back to enjoying viewing displays of work from our talented artists. <BR /> <BR />We all survived the pandemic lockdown with the TV in our corner keeping us entertained throughout. Amazing artists and our cultural industry have just about survived the pandemic, but some have not. Some have left the industry as the economic turmoil has taken its toll.”
“I declare an interest. My niece, Niamh Mageean, is a young artist who is finishing her degree at Ulster University. I also have quite a few singers in my family, some of whom are professionals and others not so much. I join others in wishing Minister Hargey a speedy recovery. <BR /> <BR />I pay tribute to our arts and creative industries. It is they who provide the inspiration, colour, fun and light in our society. In May, the Minister confirmed:”
“This Friday, at 7.00 pm, I will, again, light my 13 candles as part of the Wave of Light to remember all babies born too soon.”
“As the Northern Ireland Assembly, we have the opportunity to include miscarriage in that legislation to ensure that we play a proactive part in recognising miscarriage, acknowledging a baby loss and, at last, taking baby loss bereavement out of the shadows, stopping it being a taboo and supporting parents at a time when they need it. There is also an opportunity to ensure that support is provided for parents through the National Bereavement Care Pathway, and I look forward to working to ensure that miscarriage is included in those plans.”
“Many women are being told to let nature take its course, which means miscarrying at home, often unprepared for the duration of the pain and bleeding, which can result in women suffering symptoms of PTSD. That is all happening in Northern Ireland today. When we think of well-being, we must also include the staff who care for miscarriage parents and ensure that they too have the support for that difficult and distressing area of work. <BR /> <BR />In the Assembly, we are considering the Parental Bereavement (Leave and Pay) Bill.”
“I thank the Miscarriage Association in Northern Ireland for arranging that event. <BR /> <BR />As the saying goes, it is good to talk, but often when we have had a miscarriage, we cannot talk about our loss, and many of us grieve alone in silence. That means that many parents have mental health trauma added to their loss. That is why the theme of this Baby Loss Awareness Week is well-being. <BR /> <BR />The pandemic resulted in a reduction in access to early pregnancy services. So far, options for the management of miscarriage, surgical and medical, have yet to be restored to pre-pandemic levels, and that is having a significant impact on women and their partners. Reduced access can mean anxiety, distress and a lack of guidance about what is happening.”
“I start by apologising to anyone who may be triggered or upset by my statement. I make my statement in order to raise awareness of Baby Loss Awareness Week and to highlight the fact that this Friday, 15 October, is our annual Baby Loss Awareness Day. <BR /> <BR />Baby Loss Awareness Week is very important to many of us who have suffered miscarriages. As we know, miscarriage continues to be the taboo grief: the silent grief that remains undiscussed and suffered, often alone. Baby Loss Awareness Week is a time when parents, siblings and families can remember their lost children. <BR /> <BR />On Saturday evening, I joined parents and families on a candlelit walk through Belfast to mark the start of Baby Loss Awareness Week. Some cried, some talked about their children and some were there to give support.”
“On the point about developers, will the Member agree with me that, at this stage, there is almost an unregulated levy on developers? It costs up to £2,500 per home to fit pipes because there is no capacity for Northern Ireland Water to do it. That cost is being passed on to customers and it is adding costs to our society.”
“Thank you, Mr Allister, for giving way. It is not very often we agree, but this is twice in one day. Does the Member agree with me that our waiting lists for housing are only growing larger? It will take two decades to fulfil the waiting list because we cannot build social housing to meet demand.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. We have been banging on about this over and over again since I was on the Infrastructure Committee back in 2016. We take money through rates for water. We do not separate it out. We give the money, as a grant, to Northern Ireland Water. Does the Member agree that, if that money were treated as an income, the company would be free to borrow and then, finally, we could have a water company that could be sustainable?”
“Does the Member agree that Northern Ireland Water is a cross-departmental issue and that, instead of us picking at each other, it is time for us to find solutions and come together to fund a problem that is hitting all Departments?”
“That is extremely worrying, as the application alone could cause considerable distress to the victim, and that is intolerable. I am unconvinced that we should leave that to a legal process in a court when we can act now to prevent it in the first place. Thirdly, I am concerned that the consultation supported the Children and Young People's Strategic Partnership being placed on a statutory footing, but complexities have led to it being excluded from the Bill. I am sure that my colleague Paula Bradshaw MLA will seek further information on that, while recognising that it may involve significant amendments to different legislation. <BR /> <BR />It is time that we enabled children with the security of a forever home. There may be work to do on the detail, but I broadly warmly commend the Bill.”
“<BR /> <BR />I welcome clause 141 regarding the public awareness of fostering. <BR /> <BR />I draw attention to the need for the Legal Services Agency to be prepared for the orders for contact during placement and for post-adoption contact, which will have legal aid implications. Of course, those situations are not always easy. <BR /> <BR />I will conclude with general remarks on the context in which the Bill is being brought forward. First, it could conceivably be dovetailed more effectively with the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act, particularly concerning children being impacted by domestic abuse even where absent. I am hopeful that a way forward can be found in that regard. Secondly, I remain concerned that, where a child was conceived as a result of rape, the father would still be able to apply for access.”
“I encourage the Committee to talk to organisations such as Invisible Traffick that work with care homes and children to warn them about the perils of the big bad world. <BR /> <BR />I will draw clause 127 to the Minister's attention. The clause is about the right to contact. What happens if the contact is not working right? Will a child's thoughts on the matter be brought into play? For example, what if the parent or person who has applied for the contact does not turn up? That has a devastating impact on children. We need to consider whether the legislation should make it clear that birth parents can have contact but cannot let children down. Children cannot be left feeling abandoned again. They cannot be left to think they have done something wrong when a parent does not turn up.”
“I have, certainly. Unfortunately, it is an ongoing issue. <BR /> <BR />There must be effective guidance to ensure that teenage girls and boys in care are parented and protected, so that, for instance, they cannot walk out of a home at 10.00 pm. Social workers and staff should be supported to act as parents and take responsibility for the children in their care. I would not let my children leave the house at 10.00 pm, so why would a child in care be allowed to behave in a way that puts them in danger from people who will ply them with drugs or alcohol and, sadly, lead some of them into prostitution? I have all the time in the world for social workers who deal with children who have difficulties and present difficult behaviours, but we need to support those social workers so that their first action is not to report that child to the police.”
“and how they are treated. I am aware of children who are being trafficked out of care homes. Will there be effective guidance to ensure that teenage girls and boys in care —.”
“<BR /> <BR />I do not doubt that chapters 4 and 5, which provide clarity on status and the establishment of a register, will be warmly welcomed, if considered long overdue. <BR /> <BR />Part 2 makes important amendments directly to the Children Order, notably on residence and education. That includes, at clause 120, an important requirement to ascertain children's "wishes and feelings". That phrasing is important as it is a change from "will" or "expressed will" to the actual wishes and feelings of the child. <BR /> <BR />Clause 123 is on corporate parenting principles. Minister, that issue, perhaps, needs to be expanded or amended. It mentions:”
“They are welcome to have the list of regulations, but the variance across the trusts has been astonishing. Prospective adopters have been asked to lose weight because they are too fat to be a parent. They are asked to be employed or not be employed. Where there is a marriage of people of different religions, the couple must decide which religion the household will choose. None of that information is provided in advance to potential adopters. I would like to see the adoption application process become more transparent and those systems brought forward. It would be worthwhile to move from negative to positive resolution. The Assembly needs to use its scrutiny role to ensure that prospective adopters are fully aware of their requirements and that each adoption authority agency follows the same scheme.”
“If this is child-centred legislation, perhaps the Minister can confirm why the number of days cannot be amended to take account of how long a child has been living with foster carers? That will allow a period of adjustment and preparation for the child when they are being returned to their parent. <BR /> <BR />I have some issues with Clause 42, and it ties in with what Ms Hunter from the SDLP said. Clause 42 confirms that regulations will be provided to confirm the suitability of adopters. The regulations will be made by negative resolution. Is that the best way to do that? If we are to ensure effective equality in the system, would it be better to make the regulations through a positive resolution process? In my experience, prospective adopters are not provided with a list of the regulations.”
“We do not want to lose adopters because of the elongated process. Clause 9 regulates adoption agencies but does not clarify regulations for adoption authorities. Perhaps the Committee will consider that. Clause 10 talks about the management of adoption authorities and voluntary organisations but not regulation of performance. Through the adoption process, one key thing that has come forward from people who have been adopted is the time that it takes and the performance of statutory agencies. <BR /> <BR />Clauses 28 and 29 clarify the number of days when a child has to be returned to parents in particular circumstances. That may be 14 days or seven days. However, it does not give any consideration to the upheaval for the child.”
“The Bill defines access to information for adoptions that will take place after the Bill receives Royal Assent: it will be difficult for people adopted before the Bill is enacted to wade through the current system to access their information. <BR /> <BR />Clauses 7 and 8 are silent on the assessment of the effectiveness of the adoption authorities. Should the adoption authorities also be held to account to ensure that, in a child-centred approach, no child or adoption is delayed through staffing issues or adopters lost through elongated processes? I left the process because, after three and a half years and having finally completed courses and after having many social workers, we faced a further three years before we would be able to adopt. We decided that enough was enough.”
“Foster carers will have come to many of our offices particularly concerned about allegations having been made. Those allegations may have been unfounded, but it takes a significant time for them to be taken from a foster carer's record, thus harming their ability to have other employment or to foster children. There is no clarification of that. <BR /> <BR />On the clauses on the disclosure of information, it is vital that people who are adopted have access to information. Many victims of mother-and-baby homes, with whom my colleague Paula Bradshaw MLA has been working, have extreme difficulty with what should be a simple process of retrieving information about their past.”
“I appreciate that there is a discussion about a regional register, but why have those boundaries been included? <BR /> <BR />In clause 5(4), I am delighted to see a plan for the provision of adoption support services, but the Bill does not specify whether that plan will include checks and balances to ensure that support is provided in a timely fashion and not delayed by resourcing issues. In the past, children have stayed in care longer than necessary, and adopters have been delayed in the process due to staff shortages and staff changes. That must be managed, and I sincerely hope that the detail of the plan will include a measurement of effective service provision. <BR /> <BR />In the Bill, there is no discussion of support for foster carers.”
“<BR /> <BR />Chapter 2 covers the statutory requirement for an adoption service, including, importantly, a statutory right to request an assessment for adoption support. Regarding clause 3, I ask the Minister why there will be five adoption authorities instead of one. If the Bill is to take a child-centred approach, having five adoption authorities creates boundaries in the process and can limit the number of potential adopters available to be considered for a child. Northern Ireland is a small place. Why not enable and expand the pool of adopters with whom to place the child by having one authority that covers all of Northern Ireland instead of children being adopted across boundaries that have been created by the process? Are those boundaries in the best interests of children?”
“I am not here to argue that the Bill is perfect, but it is obvious that it is important legislation covering, vitally, adoption provisions with reference to children entering Northern Ireland from abroad and amendments to children and adoption legislation. In that regard, it serves to modernise and secure our adoption framework. Figures showing that, during the pandemic, adoptions halved only make this more urgent. <BR /> <BR />Clause 1 places into law what should be obvious but, in practice, may not always be so: the welfare of the child is paramount. That is specifically applied to a court or an adoption agency, but, of course, it needs to apply broadly to everyone involved. Thankfully, that is then threaded throughout the Bill.”
“Will we as legislators now go the extra mile to ensure that the legislation progresses swiftly in the interests of protecting children from harm and giving them security?”
“It does not include protections or support that could be offered to a sibling, for instance, who is almost 18 and could be their younger sibling's special guardian. <BR /> <BR />The legislation is aimed at ensuring that many of the children who have the toughest start in life will have their interests prioritised. Among other things, the Bill places the Going the Extra Mile scheme on a statutory footing, meaning that care leavers can stay with their foster parents until the age of 21.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have left children who wish to be adopted in foster care for longer than necessary. We need to be clearer about ascertaining the wishes of children around investigations and child protection. We must act to ensure that children feel permanency in their new adopted home, and we need to provide reassurance in law, through statutory advocacy services, for children who are looked after. <BR /> <BR />I welcome, in particular, the special guardianship insertion at clause 119. I should have declared another interest: I am a former chair of Kinship Care. As such, I encourage the taking of further evidence on kinship care from that organisation. In particular, one of the Bill's provisions is that a special guardian should be at least 18 years old.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let us be clear about why the Bill is so important and urgent: we need to align adoption law to make the child's welfare the paramount consideration in decisions relating to adoption; we need to ensure that there is a statutory duty for an adoption service; we need to provide a new right for adopted children and parents to request an assessment of their needs for adoption support services; we need to introduce a new legal framework for disclosure of information and establishing contact; we need to amend the definition of "harm" to include seeing and hearing the ill treatment of another person; we need to make sure that parents bringing an adopted child into Northern Ireland have followed the appropriate procedures; and we need to establish a regional register to provide matches between children waiting to be adopted and prospective adopters.”
“I join everyone else, Minister, in expressing solidarity with you. The faceless cowards who often bring these threats to many members of our Executive are shameless. We all stand in solidarity with you. <BR /> <BR />I declare an interest — Mrs Cameron stole my thunder — as one of the parents who joined the adoption system but left it. I may go into that later. The subject is close to my heart. By the way, I chose to withdraw for personal reasons; I was not kicked out. <BR /> <BR />The Alliance Party, of course, supports the Bill. 'Adopting the Future' was an adoption strategy published 11 years after the Children Order, and it is frustrating that we are now 15 years on from that. This is the vital work that we are elected to do, so let us ensure that we do it with no further delay.”
“Apologies. I should have said "Minister" instead of "Member". Minister, as yet, we on the Committee for Communities have not yet received the October monitoring round information from the Department. Perhaps there is underspend. We will not know until we see the monitoring round information. Perhaps the Minister can shed some light on whether there is any underspend. After all, in the past, we have seen discretionary support grants underspent by £2 million.”
“Thank you very much, Minister. I was glad to hear you talk about statutory consultees coming together, but a few of the key culprits in causing delays in determining planning applications rest in your Department, namely DFI Rivers and Roads, which, as statutory consultees, can be a bit slow. What actions will you take to ensure that they start meeting their targets for a response?”
“Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker. Earlier today, reference was made in the House to punishment beatings. I ask for a ruling from the Speaker's Office under Standing Order 65(1)(e) on unparliamentary language. The words may well have been used inadvertently, but such language is unhelpful, as it perpetrates the myth that victims are guilty of something and that such attacks are justified.”
“On a point of order, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker.”
“The point is that £20 per week until the end of the financial year is significantly more than £100. Also, that £100 has to be spent on the high street. We are told not to spend it in Tesco, where the cheaper groceries to feed a child might be. Does the Member appreciate that £20 per week is a heck of a lot more than a £100 one-off payment?”
“To all parties in the House, I say this: it is time for us all to come together. The high street voucher scheme could have been means-tested and provided to people who are living in poverty, but we chose a different way. It is time for all of us to consider the £500 million that Rishi Sunak has brought forward to help workers so that, when the Barnett consequentials happen, that unhypothecated amount does not disappear into health and so that we start to deliver something for people who are poor and living right on or below the breadline. If we can work together to provide that amount of support to them directly, we can go some way towards taking away from this disgraceful cut that the Chancellor has brought forward.”
“When you start to add up a grocery list — milk, bread, potatoes, pasta, vegetables — that is food that we are taking out of the mouths of our community. Can we afford to replace the £20 a week? In the recent Adjournment debate on the impact of the removal of the universal credit uplift in Foyle, I asked the Minister whether she would consider applying to the Finance Minister through the October monitoring round for the £55·5 million.”
“We do not want to set up people for another cliff edge so that, at the end of the financial year, when that £20 is cut, they do not know where to go. We need to be thinking a little bit more carefully. <BR /> <BR />I asked the Economy Minister, when the high street voucher was coming out, "Is this the wise thing to do? Should it be means tested?". I was told, "No. This is to help shops". Well, people who are on the £20 per week uplift will be spending that money in shops. Unfortunately, after that £20 uplift is finished, they will no longer be able to spend that money in the shops — not just for one week but every week. <BR /> <BR />Recovery does come at a cost. Recovery is coming at the cost of £20 per week. What does that mean to people?”
“Rather than damning the Executive, what I am going to ask is that we start to think a bit smarter about how money is spent. For instance, we have just heard that we are throwing another £21 million at the high street voucher scheme. The original cost of the high street voucher, £145 million, could pay for the £20 per week uplift for all those people who are living in poverty and for the people who are off or coming off furlough and going into unemployment. <BR /> <BR />We know, from figures produced by the Department about the current number of people who are sitting on universal credit in receipt of the COVID uplift, that it would take £55·5 million to pay that uplift until the end of the financial year. However, let us be very careful.”
“If we in the House were to deliver what we were supposed to deliver under the obligations of the 1998 Act, we would have a strategy to tackle poverty. I thank the Minister for bringing together the anti-poverty expert panel, but how long is it going to take before we see its recommendations coming true? How are we spending money at this stage?”
“The recommendations of the expert panel on the anti-poverty strategy ask for the following: an anti-poverty Act, an anti-poverty commission to monitor progress on reducing poverty, and a poverty truth process. Yet here we are, still in COVID in Northern Ireland, with the COVID uplift being cut for people who are living in poverty. <BR /> <BR />The COVID uplift cut of £20 per week comes at a time when, as others have said, the cost of living has increased and furlough has now ended. Indeed, the Chancellor has said that, now that furlough has ended, he expects more people to become unemployed and therefore join universal credit. I do not expect Rishi Sunak will confirm today that he will extend the COVID uplift. <BR /> <BR />Instead of praising and welcoming food banks, we should be shamed.”
“That remains the case. <BR /> <BR />Child poverty rates are getting worse. The executive summary of 'Recommendations for an Anti-Poverty Strategy' confirms:”
“While we have been in the House, Rishi Sunak has said that recovery "comes with a cost". He could not have said truer words. Unfortunately, the cost is children living in poverty, and it is children in Northern Ireland who will be living in poverty with this £20 per week COVID uplift being removed. <BR /> <BR />The Northern Ireland Act 1998 obliges the Executive to develop a strategy:”
“I am sure that the Member will join me in saying that many people in Northern Ireland would be in greater poverty if the welfare mitigations that were enabled by the vote that took place had not come forward.”
“I am sorry that it is happening in Foyle, but I am very sorry that it is happening across the whole of Northern Ireland.”
“We know, Minister, that it would take £55·5 million to replace that £20 a week until the end of the financial year. Is a bid going into the October monitoring round? Is there anything else that we can do? For instance, the anti-poverty strategy panel has made a lot of recommendations. When will those be taken forward? There are options for us to help people in Foyle and to help citizens across Northern Ireland. It is bleak out there. It is not nice. We all know exactly what it is like when constituents come into our office. It breaks my heart to think that more and more people are choosing whether to heat their house or eat, and their children, of course, have to come first. We have far too many children living in poverty. <BR /> <BR />That is about all that I have to say.”
“The Minister is here today. We have welfare powers, and those powers are with us because of the vote that was taken to give us those powers. None of us wanted welfare reform to happen in the way in which it did, but voting for them, as some of us did — I know that the SDLP always uses that to beat us with — means that we can at least do something about the mitigations.”
“<BR /> <BR />I pay tribute to the council. It is working extremely hard on short-term and long-term interventions. It is considering a universal basic income feasibility trial. It also talks about training on poverty for elected representatives. To be honest, we could all do with that, because it hits home exactly what it is like for people who live in poverty.”