Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“I would like us to go full circle and bring a veterinary degree to Northern Ireland, because we have a practical need for it. That degree would be well served in Coleraine because of its rural location and its proximity to the Department. We need to start looking at the reasons why we should do that and stop looking back to 50 years ago, because that serves no one. <BR /> <BR />I will turn specifically to the ask of the Minister. That is probably part of a wider conversation about the arts and how we invest in them. As Cara said — it is absolutely a valid point — we are a post-conflict society, and art is how we express ourselves when other ways are not necessarily possible. There is great opportunity in that, be it through the Riverside Theatre or opportunities for other forms of cultural expression. It is really key.”
“Realistically, if we are going to build up the Magee campus — I have no difficulty with that; it is in the second city in Northern Ireland, which should surely be given consideration — we will have to take courses from elsewhere. That is exactly what has been happening at Coleraine. That is what we are doing in order to build up Magee. Maybe we have to have an honest conversation about tuition fees and how we fund our universities in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />People want to come to the Coleraine campus. There is a reason why it has not closed: it is a destination unlike any other across the United Kingdom and even Ireland. It has a very specific offer. I give full credit to the vice chancellor, who recently announced a new veterinary nursing course.”
“Other people have gone on to great success after learning their craft at the Riverside Theatre. That is the key issue, and it is the point about the arts. People are not discovered when they are walking down the street; they hone their craft in places such as the Riverside Theatre and in amateur theatre groups. Such groups are award-winning. You have only to look at the awards that a lot of our local groups get to see that performing is not just something that people do as a hobby; it is a commitment. People have to take time off work to perform in some of those things. <BR /> <BR />As Maurice said, we need to look at the matter in the context of the future of the Coleraine campus. I am entirely sympathetic to Ulster University and the predicament that it finds itself in. It is struggling to fund a three-campus model in Northern Ireland.”
“We do not have good weather, so, when a wet-weather facility is needed, people tend to go to places such as the Riverside Theatre. <BR /> <BR />The theatre is not just for professional performances. The Ballywillan Drama Group has just finished a run of 16 sold-out performances of 'Charlie and the Chocolate Factory'. People talk to me about the theatre not being utilised and how it is just empty, but that has been proven to be incorrect in the past number of weeks. I could not get tickets for that show in the end. That demonstrates how important the theatre is for people who go to see the shows, the local community and the amateur theatre groups that put on those performances. <BR /> <BR />Cara spoke of the theatre being a launch pad for James Nesbitt. That is absolutely the case.”
“The Riverside Theatre has been part of the community for nearly 50 years. It is the only professional theatre in the Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area. I think that I am correct in saying that its potential closure would leave it as the only council area without a professional venue of that kind. Given that we often sell the north coast as the premier tourist destination of Northern Ireland — other MLAs from across Northern Ireland might disagree with that, but, realistically, it is — we cannot remove those facilities, or it will undermine that offer. I appreciate that the Minister, who previously held the role of Minister for the Economy, will recognise the value of having and strengthening venues such as the Riverside Theatre.”
“When we have these conversations about the future of Coleraine and attached facilities such as the Riverside Theatre, we have to be mindful of the fact that it is not just about the politics; it is about the infrastructure, the economy and people's lives. It is not about righting the wrongs of the past in isolation. It is very much about recognising the future and what we can do to ensure that everybody is served in it.”
“Those are the questions that we have to ask. What is the long-term intention with the Coleraine campus? The issue does not begin or end with the Riverside Theatre: there has been gradual erosion of courses at the Coleraine campus that we have seen going to other campuses across Northern Ireland. That is a critical part of today's discussion. <BR /> <BR />We can talk about the politics of 50 years ago — I was not around then; thankfully, in some respects — but all I can talk to is where we are now and the infrastructure, opportunities and everything else that is built up around our constituency. If we pull down those structures, we are essentially pulling the rug from under a lot of what happens there.”
“I appreciate my constituency colleague Cara Hunter bringing the issue to the attention of the House. It is appropriate and useful that we are discussing the issue at this level, not just for the people of Coleraine but for the tourists whom we try to attract with such facilities. It is also appropriate that we discuss the wider issues to which Mr Bradley referred. I will speak to those later in my contribution. <BR /> <BR />The issue is not about Riverside Theatre on its own. Maurice will know, from our time in council, that it was talked about years ago. Similar issues were raised then regarding investment in the theatre and its viability. I appreciate that we need to ensure that we have ongoing investment in such things so that they continue, but my concern is that we do not get that investment. We have never had that investment.”
“Minister, beyond levelling the playing field, I will advocate for the victims of domestic abuse, given that people with children have been waiting in temporary accommodation for a year and a half. Domestic abuse is one of the most prevalent crimes across Northern Ireland, and we need to improve our housing system for victims. The review will give rise to conversations about that, but I urge the Minister to do more, given that there are waiting lists for women's refuges.”
“I am glad that the Minister has mentioned planning permission, because I thought that there would be an opportunity to address the issue through new developments. Sadly, DFI, as a statutory consultee, did not raise the issue. After many years, we are still going through the process. Will the Minister commit to looking at it again?”
“I thank the Northern Ireland Executive for their response since Thursday, because that has, ultimately, saved many lives. What impact has the storm had on the hospitals? We are hearing that people who did not have access to medical equipment were being admitted and, indeed, people who were in hospital were probably not able to be discharged, given the fact that domiciliary care was not effective. Is that already putting a more significant pressure on a system that is, in itself, under pressure?”
“We need to do more and do better to recognise and support our community and voluntary sector.”
“Those are the stark realities that we need to confront in the aftermath of the storm. <BR /> <BR />While storms on this scale do not happen often, when they do, they remind us of how vulnerable we can be. We need to learn from storm Éowyn and look at how we can do better next time. That might mean improving support for older and vulnerable people during emergencies, investing in backup solutions for critical medical equipment or even strengthening community networks so that no one is left isolated when the lights go out. <BR /> <BR />We also need to think about how much we rely on electricity and what happens when it is taken away. It is an important conversation that we need to start now. Storm Éowyn has shown us the challenges that we face, but it has also shown how resilient and supportive our communities can be.”
“I particularly thank the engineers who have worked tirelessly to restore and repair the damage and continue to do so. Their work is very much appreciated. <BR /> <BR />That said, the storm has revealed serious challenges that we, as an Assembly and an Executive, need to address. The biggest issue has been the damage to our electricity network and the impact of power outages, particularly on older people, vulnerable groups and those living in rural areas. For many, losing electricity is more than an inconvenience; it can be life-changing. People relying on medical equipment had to be admitted to hospital or simply do without. Older people had been left without heat and were freezing in their homes, and rural communities were left cut off, unable to communicate or even get a hot meal.”
“Like others, I will speak to the events of the past weekend, which continue to leave their mark across Northern Ireland. Thankfully and most importantly, no one was killed or seriously hurt in Northern Ireland during the storm. That is a huge relief and is credit to the swift decisions taken by the Northern Ireland Executive and the various statutory agencies. Their quick actions in closing schools, public buildings and transport networks while getting out the message to stay at home undoubtedly saved lives. <BR /> <BR />I thank everyone who worked through the storm to help others, including community groups, churches, Health and Social Care staff, the PSNI, road engineers and farmers who helped to clear up. Those efforts demonstrate the best of Northern Ireland.”
“I appreciate the Minister's intervention. Yes, absolutely; that is why we need to take an approach that ensures safety for all in our prison system. However, we cannot take out the specific issues to which biological gender can give rise. We have to take the issue forward sensitively while ensuring safety for all.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to look to other jurisdictions to understand the importance of getting this right. There have been cases in England and Scotland that have shown the risks to prioritising safety and incidents in which poorly implemented policies have led to harm in women's prisons. Northern Ireland can and should lead with an approach that balances —”
“Women in prison, many of whom are survivors of trauma including violence and sexual assault, need spaces in which they feel secure and supported to provide the maximum opportunity for rehabilitation, as any other prisoner would have. Transgender individuals will also face significant risks of harassment and violence in custody. Those overlapping vulnerabilities demand a balanced approach that carefully considers the safety and dignity of all groups. Dedicated wings, separated facilities or other bespoke measures can ensure that everyone is treated with dignity without compromising safety. Such solutions demonstrate that recognising physical realities does not negate the validity of gender identity; indeed, they ensure that no group feels excluded, unsafe or overlooked.”
“It is not about physical stereotypes or societal expectation but about the right to be fully oneself without external definitions or limitations. That applies to a consideration of our spaces as well, to ensure that we can be women with dignity. At the same time, transgender individuals face challenges that are no less significant. They, too, deserve dignity and safety. Balancing those needs is not easy, but it is necessary. The answer lies in thoughtful policies that recognise and protect the rights of both groups without allowing one to feel that its rights are being diminished by the other. <BR /> <BR />Custodial settings amplify the tensions.”
“Indeed, while prisons have historically been segregated by sex, which, I appreciate, is to do with women's health and safety, that needs to be included in the discussion. By recognising sex-based differences, we diminish no one's identity. It is about safeguarding well-being, particularly in environments where safety and vulnerability are key considerations. <BR /> <BR />There is a wider conversation in Northern Ireland, the UK and the world about the tension that arises between women's rights and the recognition of gender identity. It is not an abstract discussion but a real, difficult and deeply felt issue for many, including cis women and transgender women. I am often asked, usually by a man, "What is a woman?". I am a woman, but that is a deeply personal consideration.”
“I will not support the motion, because I am not content with its blanket wording. We need to allow room for individual circumstances. However, I am sympathetic to the practical consideration of biological sex; indeed, it is crucial to address the difference between sex and gender. It is a distinction that directly informs the motion and the wider conversation that we are having around gender identity. Biological sex refers to physical characteristics, while gender identity is deeply personal and is rooted in an individual's sense of self. Both are valid and deserve respect, but they carry different implications in settings such as prisons, where physical realities and vulnerabilities must be prioritised to ensure safety.”
“We do not do well, in Northern Ireland, in supporting our parents. We teach women how to give birth; I do not think we teach men or dads anything. I suggest that RSE is a way of complementing our parenting skills, not a way of interfering in them. <BR /> <BR />Of course, we must deliver it well, which is why we propose a task force to ensure that teachers are trained. The Minister knows that teachers, parents and young people are asking for that. This is not about preventing harm but creating a culture of respect where consent is understood, harmful norms are challenged and everyone can thrive in a healthy relationship.”
“I appreciate that parents worry that RSE will overstep into their role. However, RSE is carefully designed to be age appropriate, and I fully expect that our current Minister of Education will ensure that. RSE for younger children is about kindness and boundaries, and for older children, it is about consent, respect and recognising abuse. It is not a displacement of parental or family rights; rather, it complements what we teach at home, providing young people with the tools that they need to thrive in relationships and society. <BR /> <BR />It is important to note that babies do not come with a manual and perfect parents are not born the day their children are. Why do we assume that all parents do not need help in this area? Why do we assume that parents do not need to be guided in how to become parents?”
“I am self-aware enough to know that, 10 years from now, when my child becomes that age, I will know much less. I want my daughter and all young people, including boys and young men, to be equipped with the knowledge and skills to navigate, regrettably, one of the most dangerous regions in Europe for young girls and women. That is why RSE matters.”
“As a parent, I recognise my limitations. I do not fully understand the challenges that children and young people are experiencing today. I suggest that most of us in the Chamber do not understand those challenges.”
“I recall a meeting that I had as Minister of Justice a number of years ago. It was with a group of young people probably aged between 14 and 16. The conversations that we had about what was felt to be appropriate or, indeed, inappropriate stayed with me. It is shocking to know and understand what young people are thinking and are saying to one another. Eight years later, young people are still telling me troubling stories about life online, and we heard about the WhatsApp group in the previous debate, where hundreds of boys and young men say the most inappropriate things. There are figures on the influence of harmful figures on social media and on the deep hurt and fear that young women and girls are feeling. <BR /> <BR />The world that our children are navigating today is very different from the world in which we all grew up.”
“Minister, post-19 special educational needs provision is not your remit, but it should be, because the Minister of Health and the Minister for the Economy are, frankly, failing in that area. There is an opportunity, even through the legislation that you propose, to extend it to the age of 25. Are you willing to consider that? Your Department has the right support and the right people. It is the right time, and this is the right place to do it.”
“<BR /> <BR />I urge the university, the local council, the Minister for the Economy and the Minister for Communities to ensure that the theatre's future is built on its popularity and success.”
“Its presence has been integral to the area's identity and infrastructure, providing access to education for generations of families. However, the steady movement of key courses, including the performing arts, to Magee and other campuses raises questions about the long-term strategy for Coleraine. While not an immediate threat, the erosion of resources has created uncertainty and unease in our community in Coleraine. For a town that has built so much of its economy and future around the university, that trend risks diminishing Coleraine's role as a centre of education and opportunity. If we pull down this key structure, we pull down what has been built around it.”
“If the Riverside Theatre were to close, the borough would become the only council area in Northern Ireland without a professional theatre, an unacceptable gap that would deprive the community of opportunities for creative engagement and connection and undermine a part of Northern Ireland that we often sell as our premier tourist destination. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, the challenge facing Riverside Theatre is not an isolated issue. It reflects broader concerns about the gradual reduction of resources and focus at Ulster University's Coleraine campus. For over 50 years the campus has been a cornerstone of the town's economy, attracting students, staff and visitors who support local businesses and create jobs.”
“The Riverside Theatre is a space in which talent is nurtured and showcased. It has hosted world-class performances and served as a launch pad for local actors, writers and musicians. Notably, James Nesbitt, one of Northern Ireland's best-known actors, began his journey here. It has also been a home for amateur theatre groups and a space where talent has flourished across genres from drama to music, comedy and dance. Beyond professional productions, it offers a platform for the community to come together, build connections and celebrate the arts. <BR /> <BR />While its cultural contributions are significant, the theatre's closure would also have a tangible impact on the local economy. It draws visitors to the area, supporting nearby businesses such as cafés, shops and hotels.”
“I rise to express my concern about the Riverside Theatre in Coleraine, which has been an important cultural institution in Northern Ireland since 1976. It is the only professional theatre in the Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area, and its potential closure would have wide-ranging consequences not only for those who rely on it for creative expression but for the wider area.”
“We need a deal that unites rather than further divides communities. Most importantly, we need a deal that ensures that Northern Ireland's voice is heard.”
“Indeed, voting for the motion is causing complacency. We have been complacent up until now about the issues that we see on the ground. We need to fight for better. The story should not be over. I know that we all suffer from Brexit fatigue. I wish that it had not happened in the first place, but we are where we are, so we need to ensure that businesses can operate seamlessly across the British Isles. <BR /> <BR />I firmly support the principle of avoiding a hard border on the island of Ireland and, indeed, in the Irish Sea. That is non-negotiable. The current arrangements, however, have created other problems that are just as damaging in their own way. We need to push for better arrangements that respect Northern Ireland's unique position, protect east-west trade and address the democratic deficit.”
“Products that used to flow seamlessly from Great Britain — why not now? — now face delays and additional costs that will ultimately fall back on consumers. It seems to be easier to purchase goods from China than from across the Irish Sea. Many businesses still do not fully understand how the system works, because it is just another burden that, in a difficult market, they find difficult to bear. They worry about how future changes might impact on them. That uncertainty makes it harder to invest, expand or even plan ahead. <BR /> <BR />We cannot keep papering over the cracks with temporary fixes. Northern Ireland and everyone in it deserve a system that genuinely works for people and their businesses. Rejecting the motion does not mean rejecting the need for solutions. We need solutions.”
“That divergence could make trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland even more complicated, and we have seen examples of that. With regard to costs for consumers, we are very much taken by the everyday costs of life, and shoppers in Northern Ireland are feeling the effects because changes in supply chains have driven up prices for some goods, particularly in the food and retail sectors.”
“If the motion passes with a simple majority as expected but without cross-community support, the consent mechanism requires a review after four years instead of eight. It also triggers the Secretary of State to begin an independent review process. Therefore, it enables the House to have a more regular opportunity to revisit the issues and apply a form of scrutiny. Crudely, unionism and nationalism disagreeing is not necessarily a bad thing in this context. It increases democracy, albeit in a limited way. <BR /> <BR />To conclude, I want to touch on specific issues that are causing problems for my constituents. With regard to regulatory divergence, as GB develops its own rules and regulations, Northern Ireland risks being left behind, stuck following EU rules.”
“I appreciate the interventions from the Members, which just go to demonstrate that people are passionate about the issues and to disregard them in this context would be foolish. Certainly, it gives rise to a reason to continue to have the conversations. <BR /> <BR />Cross-community consent is an important mechanism to ensure that decisions are fair, balanced and inclusive. If we abandon it on issues as sensitive as these, we set a dangerous precedent for future constitutional debates. <BR /> <BR />Maybe in the spirit of Christmas, I found it interesting that the mechanism that we are employing tonight by not achieving cross-community consensus provides an opportunity for greater scrutiny and engagement under the arrangements.”
“Let me respond to the Member, and then I will. <BR /> <BR />I entirely respect those who have not made a choice on constitutional opinion. However, it is undeniably a fundamental part of our political basis in Northern Ireland. Certainly for me — this is my opinion — it is responsible and important that I take a position on it. It is not just about whether we want to be in one jurisdiction or another; it is the basis on which we provide public services. Certainly for me, as an elected representative, good public services are better in the UK context.”
“I appreciate the Member's intervention. It ensured peace. It ensured that, however many years after the Good Friday Agreement, we are still able to sit in the Chamber and talk about the issues. Sometimes, it is difficult to believe that we have moved on in Northern Ireland, but we have, and tonight we are talking about issues that matter to people on the ground. That is important, and the provision of cross-community consent enables that. It is important that we have a constitutional opinion. It is the fundamental basis of our politics, as it is in Scotland, for example.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Good Friday Agreement did not conclude the constitutional question, and, while people are rightly entitled to aspire, it is an important consideration in our politics. Cross-community consent ensures fairness, partnership and stability and gives both sides the confidence that their voices matter. Nowhere is that principle more —.”
“I appreciate the intervention and the fact that there are people who have not made up their mind yet, but, if a border poll happens in Northern Ireland, it will not be a case of, "Yes", "No" or "Other"; it will be "Yes" or "No". <BR /> <BR />If we look at opinion polls and elections, we see that, significantly, most people in Northern Ireland want to have an opinion. The Good Friday Agreement upholds and encourages that. It was the means to reconciliation. <BR /> <BR />Cross-community consent was not just a nice idea in 1998. It was introduced under the Good Friday Agreement to ensure that major decisions in Northern Ireland reflected the support of unionist and nationalist communities. That is a necessary safeguard for a deeply divided society that is recovering from years of conflict.”
“Unionists are all concerned about the current arrangements, which weaken our place in the UK jurisdiction. By "unionist" I mean those who would vote to stay in the Union and who extend beyond the political parties and loyalism to include people like me, whose constitutional preference is based on the best context in which to provide public services. Let us not dismiss this as an orange and green issue, although, at the end of the vote, it might seem as though it is, because it is perfectly fine and our right to have the constitutional preference of either unionism or nationalism.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Windsor framework has maybe made some improvements, such as the green lane for trusted traders, but it is not a magic fix. Goods deemed to be at risk of entering the EU single market still face checks, and even the green lane requires "Not for EU" labelling of products. Those things might seem small, but they add complexity, uncertainty and costs that weigh heavily on businesses. That means that Northern Ireland is being asked to choose between access to the EU market and seamless trade with Great Britain. That is not a choice that we should have to make in our own jurisdiction. East-west trade is vital to our economy, and those barriers should not be allowed to become permanent. <BR /> <BR />The protocol and the Windsor framework were supposed to bring clarity and calm, but they have done the opposite.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have heard a lot about the supposed benefits of dual market access. Again, I am willing to entertain and embrace those, but let us not ignore the difficulties that the protocol has created for trade between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Take the example of food producers in Northern Ireland sourcing ingredients from Great Britain. They now face additional customs checks, higher transport costs and delays that make it harder to run their business. In some cases — there are many cases, if constituency casework is anything to go by — Great British suppliers have stopped delivering to Northern Ireland because the paperwork is just too complicated or costly, and it is not worth it. Northern Ireland is suffering.”
“Most Members agree that we are better served by local representation, yet those who are expected to vote in favour of the motion tonight will overlook a similar democratic deficit that applies through the arrangement. The lesson from direct rule and an absent Executive should be clear: when decisions are made remotely, without local input, the people of Northern Ireland suffer. Public services stagnate, policies fail to reflect local needs, and citizens lose trust in governance. The same risks apply under the current arrangements. By continuing to apply articles 5 to 10 without addressing the democratic deficit — let us be clear: there is one — we leave Northern Ireland vulnerable to policies that are ill suited to our needs and unable to advocate the changes that would make a real difference to our people and services.”
“Public services were left under strain, and we are seeing the outworkings of that. Citizens were underserved, and they tell us that every day.”
“Without representation, we cannot engage constructively to propose practical adjustments or ensure that our unique circumstances are considered. <BR /> <BR />Unfortunately, it is not the first time that Northern Ireland has experienced a democratic deficit. We have been here before, and the outcomes were not positive. During periods of direct rule and, more recently, when the Executive were suspended, Northern Ireland’s ability to govern itself and address local needs was severely hampered. Decisions about health, education and infrastructure were made by Westminster, if at all, and often by Ministers who lacked the deep understanding of our unique challenges. That resulted in policies that were disconnected from the realities on the ground, and we are seeing the outworkings of that.”
“Although those rules affect every aspect of our economy and daily life, they are made in Brussels, where we have no representation. Northern Ireland's elected representatives have no seat at the table, no voice in the discussions and no opportunity to influence or amend these regulations to reflect the realities on the ground. That lack of representation has significant consequences. Without the ability to scrutinise the rules or challenge their suitability, Northern Ireland is left in a reactive position, simply implementing decisions that have been made elsewhere. That makes it harder to refine or improve policies to better serve our businesses and communities, because, when those constituents contact me as an MLA, I struggle to understand how I can address their concerns, and I suspect that every MLA in the Chamber feels the same way.”
“I appreciate the intervention. I cannot say that it has improved because, from a constituency perspective, I am hearing every day from constituents and businesses who are realising the issues. Genuinely, I have not heard of any benefits, and I would be keen to hear those. The reality is that, after the vote tonight, this arrangement will continue for at least four years. We need to be assured that, within those four years, we will get the progress that has been promised, because we are a number of years into the arrangements now, and it does not feel as though they are providing the balance that unionists like me were prepared to accept in the hope that we could actually improve things for Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Under articles 5 to 10, Northern Ireland is required to align with the EU rules on goods, trade and state aid.”