Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
The complete record
Every one of 2,208 lines we hold for Claire Sugden, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 13 of 45.
“Many farming renewable heat incentive (RHI) claimants applied in good faith to a scheme that was intended to support them, but they now find themselves under a financial burden because of the outcome of that scheme. <BR /> <BR />Labour shortages are another issue. Post Brexit, it has become difficult for farmers to access seasonal workers, particularly for tasks such as harvesting and looking after livestock. Many farmers in Northern Ireland are struggling, as are other industries, to find the help that they need to keep their businesses going. It is not just a problem for large farms; it is hitting small family-run farms just as hard, as well as business across Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The farm sustainability payment is not enough, and it will not come soon enough for farmers who are struggling.”
“During the climate change debate, how often did we hear how farmers are modernising through environmentally sustainable practices, protecting biodiversity, improving soil health and reducing carbon emissions? If the support is removed, farmers will be limited in what they can do, and that is now a statutory obligation. <BR /> <BR />We must also acknowledge the other challenges that farmers are facing. The rising cost of fuels, fertilisers and feed is squeezing their margins more tightly than ever. The price of fertilisers alone has skyrocketed, and it is putting enormous strain on farmers' ability to maintain productivity. Many are being forced to make difficult decisions, and that includes closing their farms.”
“If farms can no longer operate, we will become increasingly reliant on imports, which are not good for the environment and are subject to price fluctuations and global market disruptions. Brexit and conflicts have shown us how fragile the global food supply chains can be, and with that fragility come rising food prices, which are an immediate concern for families across Northern Ireland, not just those in rural communities. Families who are already struggling with the cost of living will face even greater challenges in putting food on their table. <BR /> <BR />As others said, our farmers are not only vital to our economy and food security but play a crucial role in managing our environment.”
“Farm incomes have already fallen drastically, and that is a reality for countless families in my constituency and across Northern Ireland. Those farmers work tirelessly with slim margins and rely on the single farm payment to bridge the widening gap. The loss of the scheme will leave many unable to continue their work, which will have severe consequences for them, as well as for rural communities. <BR /> <BR />The issue goes far beyond individual farmers. If we lose those farms — that is the risk — we will undermine our food security. Northern Ireland farmers produce much of the fresh local produce that we depend on every day, from dairy to beef and fruit and vegetables.”
“As a representative of East Londonderry, a rural constituency where farming is the heart of our community, I welcome the debate to address such a critical issue: the imminent end of the basic payment scheme, or single farm payment. <BR /> <BR />That scheme has provided essential support to farmers across Northern Ireland for years, and its removal, without a realistic replacement, threatens the very livelihoods of those who rely on it. The scheme has allowed farms, particularly small family-run farms, to maintain stability in a volatile and unpredictable sector. For many, it has been a lifeline that has kept them afloat amid rising costs and fluctuating markets. Without that financial support, many farmers are now faced with a future of uncertainty, with no clear path or viability for moving forward.”
“It lacks specific and measurable outcomes that will address the growing crisis in healthcare, housing, social isolation and age discrimination. We need a clear, coordinated and well-funded strategy to adapt to our public services. Anything less will lead to a future in which our systems buckle under the strain, our citizens are left unsupported, and intergenerational tensions deepen. <BR /> <BR />The draft Programme for Government must have a specific focus on preparing for an ageing society, because, if we fail to act now, we risk creating a society where older people are left behind, public services collapse, and future generations are saddled with an unsustainable economic burden. The time to act is now, embedded in the Government's overarching policy. Let us ensure that we are prepared for the future — for all of us, young and old.”
“Perhaps the most glaring omission is the lack of age discrimination legislation in Northern Ireland. We are the only region of the United Kingdom not to have that legislation for goods, facilities and services. I hope to address that omission as a private Member, but it should be up to our Government to put value on our older people and close the gap of inequalities for that age group. <BR /> <BR />The Programme for Government needs to have a specific outcome on preparing for an ageing society. That would provide a road map for cross-departmental action, ensuring that all aspects of public services, from healthcare to housing and from transport to employment, are equipped to meet the demands of a rapidly ageing population. The draft Programme for Government does not go far enough.”
“The Commissioner for Older People highlighted that the lack of transport and community services, particularly in rural areas, is isolating older people in those communities, which leads to deteriorating mental health and an increased burden on health services.”
“The draft programme mentions the need for social housing, but it overlooks the fact that we have an acute shortage of age-appropriate housing in Northern Ireland, as older people require homes that are accessible and safe. That shortage is a major social issue. The percentage of older people who are waiting for social housing is growing, and without urgent action, many will be forced into unsuitable living conditions, which will further exacerbate health issues. <BR /> <BR />Social isolation and loneliness among older people are already at crisis levels, and that will only intensify without intervention.”
“<BR /> <BR />Failure to respond to our ageing demographic will also create an economic strain that will be placed on younger generations. By 2040, Northern Ireland will have just three working-age people for every person who is of pensionable age. That will create a higher old-age dependency ratio that will put unprecedented pressure on the workforce to support an ageing population. Younger generations will inevitably face increased taxes that will have to cover the rising cost of pensions, healthcare and social care. Those economic burdens will grow, and there will be increased poverty and a deepening generational inequality. <BR /> <BR />That is not just a future problem — it is happening now — and without a significant policy change that is reflected in a Programme for Government, it will only get worse.”
“<BR /> <BR />The draft Programme for Government promises improvements to public services, particularly a reduction in hospital waiting times, yet it fails to account for the most significant driver of demand, which is an ageing population with multiple long-term conditions. Already 80% of social care packages go to older people. With the number of people over 65 growing by 49% by 2050, our health and social care systems are heading for collapse unless we take action now. Older adults who live with conditions like dementia are projected to triple in prevalence in the coming decades. We will need intensive long-term care that our current system is ill-equipped to provide. A failure to act will lead to increased waiting times, overburdened hospitals and exhausted healthcare workers — sounds familiar — and it will only get worse.”
“I rise to address an issue that will not surprise the deputy First Minister. This is quickly becoming one of the defining challenges of our time, and it is the rapid ageing of Northern Ireland's population and the urgent need for public services to adapt to that reality. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland is ageing more quickly than any other part of the UK. By 2040, nearly 25% of our population will be over 65. While that demographic shift is a reflection of people living longer, which is a good thing, it will bring profound challenges that we are not yet prepared to face. If we fail to plan adequately, we will see a public-services crisis that will affect not only older people but everyone in Northern Ireland — children, working-age families and future generations.”
“The Assembly is holding you to account as the First Minister. We do not have the ability to hold you to account as the Sinn Féin deputy leader. I am mindful that it is a joint office and that you are representing that office. First Minister, what conversations have you had with your partner in government, the deputy First Minister, about the viability of your role and, by extension, the viability of the Executive moving forward?”
“Getting intimidation points is very difficult in domestic abuse cases, which, hopefully, you will address, and indeed all other cases. How will the Minister ensure that we are taking a trauma-informed approach to implementing the policies to ensure that we are not retraumatising people and are supporting them at the point that they need support.”
“At a recent meeting of the Committee for the Executive Office, Sir Declan Morgan suggested that his commission's investigations are potentially more independent than those of a public inquiry, given that the Secretary of State sets the terms of reference for a public inquiry and, indeed, can amend them if he feels that it is in the public interest to do so. Does the Executive Office have an opinion on that?”
“I thank the Minister for her efforts so far. My comments are similar to those that Ms Mulholland from North Antrim made. Why Belfast and Derry? Why were those two deals allowed to continue? Why have the deals for the other areas been paused? Is there any indication as to why the UK Government have singled out those two areas in particular? It is good that the Belfast and Derry deals can continue, but on what basis was that decision made? Is there any indication of the basis on which it was made?”
“Minister, the change to the winter fuel payment will bring in a new process that will undoubtedly cost money. How much will it cost, compared with the savings that the British Government are trying to make?”
“We also had an Assembly debate, prior to the summer, in which the Minister of Education did not support a change to RSE in schools. That change would encourage healthy relationships, which is a big part of the wider societal piece that you talked about.”
“First Ministers, I welcome the strategic framework launch. I also appreciate that both First Ministers have taken it forward, almost as a flagship policy priority for this mandate. That sends a clear message about how serious the issue is. I join the First Minister in paying tribute to the victims of violence, not just those who have lost their lives, or who are trying to move on from what has happened to them, but those who will, inevitably, lose their lives in the future, because this is not going to fix things overnight. <BR /> <BR />Does the First Minister genuinely have Executive buy-in from all Ministers? I am mindful of the fact that, six months ago, the previous Health Minister cut funding to Nexus, and then, reactively, reinstated it because of public outcry.”
“There has to be a better way: one that recognises that it is a wider societal problem. It begins with tackling misogyny in boardrooms, on group chats and in classrooms. There needs to be a recognition that we do not encourage healthy relationships without there being age-appropriate relationships and sexuality education (RSE) and that, despite being a post-conflict society, we have never dealt with the trauma of our past, which is then passed on to the next generations. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the Executive strategy that will be launched later today. It will not stop the abuse overnight or lives from being taken, but I hope that, at a minimum, it begins a new and honest conversation, leading to action, about a crisis that women and girls have lived with, and died for, for far too long.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is not all men, but, when it happens, it usually is a man. Indeed, men are victims too, but, again, their perpetrator is usually a man. Yesterday, a young man of 21 was charged with murder — 21. What has happened in the lives of perpetrators that violence and murder comes too easily? They are not born bad. They grow up — barely grow up — to be aggressive, to abuse, to assault and to murder. They ruin other lives as well as their own.”
“It is a slight increase on the previous year, but it is certainly not going down and does not take into account incidents that go unreported due to lack of confidence in the criminal justice system. <BR /> <BR />I pay tribute to Rachel Simpson, the third woman to be murdered in Northern Ireland within four weeks, after the horrific murder of Montserrat Martorell in late August — the twenty-second and twenty-third women since January 2020. That figure should be alarming, and it should motivate each of us, as women, as men, as mothers, as fathers — as human beings — to genuinely want to address the issue of gender-based violence in Northern Ireland. That begins with hard truths, with calling it out for what it is and with recognising that we are not doing enough to prevent anyone from becoming a victim in this way.”
“I hope that today is a significant day for women and girls — for women and girls who are victims of abuse, violence and femicide and for women and girls who inevitably will be victims of abuse, violence and femicide. <BR /> <BR />It is a shameful indictment of our society that we all anticipate the next news story where a women has been murdered by a man. We continue to have one of the highest rates of femicide in Europe. As a region of the United Kingdom, we have a rate higher than the national average. Last year, more than 33,186 domestic abuse incidents were recorded by the PSNI. That is one every 16 minutes. By lunchtime today, four more victims will have reported abuse to the police.”
“First Ministers, I appreciate that we now have a draft Programme for Government, but I remain very disappointed that there is no mention of older people. The recent census said that we are an ageing population, which, in itself, will determine the future of our public services, yet we have not considered that in how we move forward. Why was that very obvious group overlooked in the draft programme?”
“I have known Hannah and her family for a number of years. I have watched as she has grown within the nurturing environment of Bann Rowing Club. She has brought the fourth medal home to that club and to Coleraine. It was an absolute delight to see the people of Coleraine gather in the town centre to cheer Hannah on. It was a nail-biting finish, and we all screamed and cheered when she got over that line. She put in a performance that was second to none and had everyone on the edge of their seat. <BR /> <BR />I look forward to supporting these athletes as they continue on their sporting journeys, and I eagerly anticipate greater success for them and for other Northern Ireland athletes in the years to come.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let us all in the House join in congratulating our Olympic heroes: Daniel Wiffen, Jack McMillan, Hannah Scott, Rhys McClenaghan, Rebecca Shorten and Philip Doyle. They are inspirational young people who will be lifelong ambassadors for Northern Ireland, the United Kingdom and Ireland. I make special mention of Hannah Scott.”
“They represent the Northern Ireland born from the Good Friday Agreement and the Northern Ireland in which I want to live and raise my children. Yet again, Northern Ireland has proven itself on the world stage. Prior to the games, only three athletes from Northern Ireland had ever won an Olympic medal, including our forever golden girl and lifetime ambassador, Lady Mary Peters, in 1972. However, this summer, four golds, one silver and two bronze have come home. Seven medals demonstrate the talent that exists here, but also the strong belief in the ability of our young people, from their coaches and local clubs, to be the best in the world. As a Government — as a Parliament — we must advocate, nurture and adequately fund sport in Northern Ireland so that more talent finds its rightful place on the world stage.”
“This is the first opportunity for the House to acknowledge and congratulate the success of athletes from Northern Ireland at the Paris Olympic Games 2024. Their performances not only brought immense pride to our region but inspired a generation of young athletes across the United Kingdom and Ireland. Northern Ireland, as a small part of these islands, has once again demonstrated that size is no barrier to greatness. The achievements of our athletes reflect not only their hard work, dedication and talent but the resilience, passion and spirit that characterise the people of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />All Olympians and Paralympians from Northern Ireland, representing either Team GB and Northern Ireland or Team Ireland, should be incredibly proud of their achievements.”
“It is your community that they are exploiting and your children whom they are manipulating. <BR /> <BR />I am horrified at seeing children in the middle of all the current violence, but, sadly, that is not new. I will remind parents, however, that the criminal age of responsibility in Northern Ireland is 10 years old. Their cute smile will not save them, nor will their primary-school uniform. They will be criminals for the rest of their life. Is that what we really want for them? Is that what we want for the future of Northern Ireland? I stand against racism.”
“You need to build back confidence in the people of Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom. That starts with a Programme for Government and action on resourcing our police force and building houses. Start listening to the people who elect us, and start serving them accordingly. <BR /> <BR />It means nothing that the Union flag is joined with the Irish flag as a symbol of this behaviour. If anything, it justifies nothing and desecrates both. A criminal is a criminal, regardless of the flag that they fly. Setting aside sectarianism for racism is neither novel nor something to be proud of. Paramilitaries do not exist for a cause or because they are concerned about you. It is entirely about them, whether that is selling drugs, making money or other forms of criminality. Those things are much easier when the police are distracted elsewhere.”
“<BR /> <BR />I acknowledge that there are problems, but they were created by successive Governments, or their absence, in Stormont and Westminster. What sense or justification is there in destroying a business that creates jobs, serves the community and contributes to our economy? If you are frustrated because you cannot find a house, access your GP or heat your home because the Government plan to take away your subsidy, do not blame those who are in the same position as you. They are also in that position. The colour of their skin does not stop the very real problems of bad government and poor public services. If anything, it exacerbates them. <BR /> <BR />What we are seeing should be a stark warning to the Northern Ireland Executive and the UK Government.”
“You are the doctors in our hospitals, the businesses that have provided jobs, the colour and culture that have enriched our lives, and the people who are doing the targeting can claim only to live here. <BR /> <BR />Let us all be very clear. The motivation for riots — they are not protests — criminal damage and intimidation is racism. Those who are leading them are racists. Their raison d'être is to whitewash our community. If you tell me that you are not a racist, do not try to justify the behaviour. Stop the whataboutery and stop standing with them. The vast majority of people in Northern Ireland are wonderful, welcoming people. Let us not allow this behaviour to represent us. Share your concerns, protest peacefully, contact your MLA, but do not protest in the way that we are seeing.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also pay tribute to the community in Southport. We need to look to their example, which shows that, despite profound loss and a deep wound that will scar their community for ever, they have remembered their babies with dignity. They do not want violence. They do not want it in the name of those whom they loved. <BR /> <BR />I will say this to those who are rioting and being abusive: do not dare to claim that it is for anyone but yourself. I say to those who are being targeted: I am so sorry that living here has made you feel scared, intimidated and unsafe. As someone who is deeply proud to be from Northern Ireland, I am horrified and ashamed that this behaviour is being associated with my home and yours. I say to immigrants that ethnic minorities are not a community apart. You are our community.”
“It sends an important message that we have come together as an Assembly to unequivocally condemn the behaviour, which has been motivated by racism, that we are watching unfold in Belfast and across the United Kingdom. <BR /> <BR />I wish to remember three beautiful girls — Bebe, Elsie and Alice — whose precious lives were taken by a man: a young man. If there is any protest that we should all join, it should be that to address the persistent violence against women and girls. It is not all men — indeed, men and boys are victims too — but when violence occurs, facts tell us that the perpetrator is usually a man. That is the crisis that we need to address, and I ask Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom to reflect on that rather than on the misinformation that is clouding judgement on the issue.”
“I am not saying that we should get rid of FAPP, because I understand the benefits of it when the Assembly is sitting, but I cannot tell the people of Northern Ireland that the Assembly agrees to giving parties money for the purpose of facilitating their Assembly parliamentary duties when the Assembly is not sitting.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I will endeavour to direct my comments through you. <BR /> <BR />I am making this point because I believe that, as part of this scheme — this money is for the purpose of Assembly duties — consideration should have been given to accepting it when the Assembly was not sitting. That is one of the main points, given the millions of pounds that have been spent over the past number of years when the Assembly did not sit. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate all the other arguments that are being made, but this is a really important one. As I outlined at the beginning of my contribution, I have no financial interest in this.”
“FAPP is expressly for Assembly duties, whereas the employment of Members' staff is to support their constituency offices — unless the Member is telling me that he shut his constituency office during the years of suspension and did not do any work. That is a different question.”
“I think that the Member is getting confused by the two different funds.”
“With respect, that is something for which the Member has to answer, given that it was his party that pulled the Assembly down. My point is: were we making these same strong statements when we suspended the ability of this place to progress public services? No, I do not think that we were. <BR /> <BR />There are express reasons why you should spend this money. My understanding, however, is that it is for Assembly duties. Does it make sense, then, that when the Assembly is not sitting, that money continues to be paid? Is that even legal? I would be keen to hear about that. Do you think that the legal definition of FAPP is that it is for Assembly duties? Does that mean that we continue to pay it when the Assembly is not functioning? I am happy to take an intervention if the Member wants to answer that.”
“I will make this point before I do. Maybe the parties should not suspend the Assembly and then see the impact felt there. I direct that comment to the party across the Chamber as well. If you do not want to have that impact — the impact that it had on the people of Northern Ireland — or you do not want it for your staff, do not suspend the Assembly. Do the job that you are elected to do. I am happy to give way.”
“What parties do with the financial assistance for political parties is a matter for those parties. I cannot tell you what to do with your staff. I appreciate that it would have an impact.”
“I am not comfortable standing here as a Member of this House, saying to the public, "Let's give an uplift on a payment that, number one, you should not have been getting for at least five years". Uplifting that payment to help the larger parties? Where is the integrity there?”
“I operate quite successfully as an independent without that money. Indeed, I have been advised many times to get myself down to the Electoral Commission and register the Claire Sugden Party simply to get an extra £25,000 in my bank account. I refuse to do it, however, because I have integrity. <BR /> <BR />What I am hearing today from the Commission and, in particular, the three largest parties is that there is no integrity here: the more money, the better. Indeed, the largest parties, if anything, do not even need the money because they are already much richer than the other, smaller parties. This Assembly has always been about protecting the voices of the smaller parties and independents. This new scheme that has been proposed, as opposed to the 2016 scheme, excludes the smaller voices.”
“We have had £5 million paid out during a time of suspension to assist Members in their Assembly duties: Assembly duties that were suspended. I would be keen to hear from the Commission as to whether any consideration was given to parties not receiving it when the Assembly was suspended. An awful lot was made of MLAs' pay and how we reduced that by a third, but nothing — not a button — was said about the financial assistance for political parties. I wrote to the Secretary of State on that, saying "You know what? You want to get them back to the Assembly and hit them where it hurts, because the two largest parties that have the ability to form an Executive in this place are the ones that will lose out if they lose the financial assistance for political parties". <BR /> <BR />I am not standing here saying that I want the money.”
“I declare no interest in the debate at all, because, out of 90 MLAs, I am one of two who do not receive financial assistance for political parties. I do, however, want to provide some criticisms of the scheme itself, not necessarily about the huge uplift that we are hearing about that seems to satisfy the three largest parties but about the fact that it explicitly states in the legislation that the financial assistance for political parties scheme is there to assist them in their Assembly duties. Why, then, is it that, in the five years in which the Assembly was suspended, it continued to be paid out? These are not small sums of money. It is a minimum of £500,000 a year. Go to the Assembly website and look at the figures.”
“This will not fix it, but it will certainly help. That is how we can start to address these things in Northern Ireland and start looking to societal change and progress around our attitudes to marriage and divorce. <BR /> <BR />I really want to touch on domestic abuse before my time runs out. That is a really important reason why we should progress this issue. Speak to Women's Aid, Nexus and the organisations that know better than any of us in the House to understand how this small but impactful change could help victims in Northern Ireland.”
“Mr Allister, those are really interesting figures. However, how many divorces have proceeded and concluded? If there is an opportunity for reconciliation, it is my understanding that either party can look towards that in what they decide. However, again, Mr Allister, it is an equal partnership: if one individual in a marriage does not want to be part of the marriage, it is no longer equal and divorce is imminent. <BR /> <BR />Simplifying the grounds for divorce reduces the complexity of court cases, leading to quicker resolution and a smaller court backlog. In recent days, we saw news reports on our court backlog and how slow our system continues to be. Nothing has changed in the eight years since I was Minister of Justice — that was eight years ago. If anything, it seems slower, and we need to look at practical ways to address that.”
“It is difficult — I said that in my response to Mr Allister — and I really do not think that anyone considers it flippantly. At the point at which divorce becomes a serious option for a couple, I doubt that reconciliation is likely. It is not in my interests as a parliamentarian to consider whether a marriage is viable; that is entirely a matter for the couple. I acknowledge that there are cases in which, for many reasons, marriage does not work. In those cases, the state need not interfere by creating more hurdles than necessary, particularly when we have seen other jurisdictions progress. Our current process is now interfering in that way.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are many practical reasons for making the change that I will speak to later, if I have time. However, the most important and impactful reason is to reduce the adversarial nature of divorce, particularly when young children are involved. I recognise that the motion specifically refers to that. It removes the need to assign blame. It reduces animosity. It makes the whole process less contentious. Lowering the level of conflict during divorce proceedings helps to create a more amicable environment that is, of course, less damaging to the children. Bear in mind that that damage can exist long past the point of decree absolute. When a divorce process creates so much animosity, the damage and impact are lasting.”
“I will make some progress, if the Member does not mind. <BR /> <BR />I have been interested in this policy change since I was Minister of Justice. I have raised it with the Finance Minister, and I believe that she intends to move in that direction, which is very welcome. A lot of the motivation for my interest, albeit it did not fall within the remit of the Minister of Justice but to the Minister of Finance's responsibility for civil matters, came from the impact that the change would have on the courts and in relation to domestic abuse. We have heard other Members discuss that. It provides an opportunity to address social, legal and practical considerations, and it is increasingly common across jurisdictions not just in GB but in international law, in which it is now standard.”