Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“I support the motion, and I appreciate the Ulster Unionist Party's tabling it. The current approach to dog welfare in some council areas is simply not good enough. The system is inconsistent and under strain and, in some cases, results in healthy dogs being put down after just five days. That raises serious concerns about not just policy but whether we are meeting even the most basic standards of animal welfare. Across Northern Ireland, councils are managing animal welfare with limited facilities, outdated infrastructure and unclear direction. In many areas, the service sits within wider environmental functions and does not receive the priority or support that it needs. That has real consequences not just for animals but for public confidence in how the law is being enforced.”
“Thank you, Minister. I recognise that operational responsibilities are a matter for the Chief Constable and the Policing Board. However, this is an issue that raises its head time and time again. Is there something more, even in an advocacy role, that we, as the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive, could do to appeal to the British Government to get the police the much-needed resources they need? It does impact on a key priority of safer communities. Indeed, we are starting to see it on the ground and constituents are telling us that it is impacting on how they feel safe on our streets. Is there more that we can do, and can you suggest anything, as the Minister of Justice?”
“That would be a profound misuse of both the court's reasoning and our broader democratic values. Trans people are a valued part of our society. They deserve dignity, safety and legal protection just like anyone else. Predators are something else. <BR /> <BR />The law exists to safeguard rights, not to erode them. In a world that is changing, sometimes rapidly, the role of the courts in interpreting and clarifying the law is not just helpful but essential to a just and stable society. We must use that clarity not to divide but to strengthen our commitment to fairness, respect and humanity for all.”
“The judgement speaks to the legal definition of sex, a biological characteristic that is distinct from gender, which is about personal identity. Both matter. Both deserve recognition and respect. However, there are times, especially in areas like medicine, safeguarding, data collection and single-sex spaces, when sex and gender need to be considered separately to ensure that protections work as intended and why we segregated on the basis of sex in the first place. That is not a denial of anyone's identity or worth; it is about ensuring that law and policy are clear, effective and fair to everyone where it is appropriate. <BR /> <BR />I want to be absolutely clear, however, that the ruling must not be twisted into justification for hatred of or discrimination against transgender individuals.”
“Some have criticised the fact that the issue went before the courts at all. I disagree. In our democracy, the legislature makes the law, the Government implement it, but it is the judiciary and, ultimately, the Supreme Court that interpret it. That is not an accident; it is a deliberate and vital part and structure of our democracy. The courts ensure that the law is applied fairly, consistently and in line with the rights and protections that Parliament has set out. Especially when society changes and new complexities arise, it is not only appropriate but essential that the courts fulfil that role.”
“I broadly welcome the clarity that the UK Supreme Court ruling has provided, not because it excludes but because it gives certainty where there has long been uncertainty, particularly in law, policy and public service delivery, which is where it is of interest to us as policymakers.”
“Minister, this is a well-rehearsed issue, and it is disappointing that you and your Department keep deferring to councils and blaming them for it. You have ultimate responsibility for implementing the Planning Act (Northern Ireland) 2011, and, through it, you have powers to intervene and take more action. Will the Minister go back and read the legislation to see what she and the House can do to try to fix something that has been an issue in seaside areas for many years?”
“Trust, once broken, can only be restored through truth, accountability and a deep and lasting commitment to change. That work is essential and urgent, but today, first and foremost, it is time to honour a man who showed what faith in action looks like: quiet, courageous, humble and deeply human. He was not my religious leader, but his great example of humanity is one that I gladly follow. <BR /> <BR />May Pope Francis rest in peace, and may we, in our communities, politics and daily lives, have the courage to choose kindness over cruelty, truth over easy comfort and hope over fear.”
“Too often, we see concern for the vulnerable spoken about loudly, yet the real suffering of women, children and the marginalised ignored when it is less convenient to face. <BR /> <BR />Fear is a real and powerful emotion, and I would never dismiss it. However, when fear is fuelled, when it is turned into suspicion and hatred, and when those who are already struggling are blamed for hardship that they did not cause, we must call it out for what it is. Pope Francis showed that true care for the vulnerable is measured not in warm words but in action, in standing with those who are silenced, in welcoming those who are cast out and in choosing compassion over comfort. His passing also leaves serious challenges for the Catholic Church and its future. The wounds of past abuses remain raw.”
“Today, like many across Northern Ireland, Ireland and the world, we mark the passing of Pope Francis with sadness and respect. Throughout his life, Pope Francis showed that real leadership is not found in dominance or division but in humility, service and resolute care for those who are often forgotten. His concern for the poor, the displaced and the vulnerable reached beyond politics or political boundaries. He reminded us that, whatever our background, compassion, dignity and truth must always come first. In Northern Ireland, where fear and division have shaped so much of our history, his life offered a different path — one rooted in our shared humanity, not in one that separates us. That message could not be more important today. Too often now, we see fear exploited and mistruth spread.”
“For a region that talks so often about equality and rights, that omission is hard to justify. Therefore, I encourage Members from across the House to support the consultation and to encourage their constituents, local groups and service providers to respond. It is time to bring Northern Ireland into line with the rest of these islands. It is time to show that age discrimination in any form has no place in our society.”
“It is about ensuring that people are judged on their circumstances and needs and not their date of birth. It is also about the bigger picture and how we value people in our society. <BR /> <BR />We have an ageing population. Many live longer, often with complex needs and without the support networks that they once had. At the same time, we have seen cuts to transport, community services and benefits. Isolation is rising, and issues such as elder abuse remain under-recognised and under-reported. I saw that at first hand as Justice Minister. One of the first events that I supported was a conference on tackling elder abuse, an area where the silence has been deafening. Yet, despite all that, Northern Ireland has still not delivered on that basic protection. <BR /> <BR />It is the last major equality legislation left to enact.”
“<BR /> <BR />When I first entered the Assembly over 11 years ago, I made it a point to get into the heart of my constituency. The most active and organised voices that I encountered were from older people's groups, and this was the first issue that they raised. That led me to establish the all-party group on ageing and older people, and I have worked closely with the sector ever since. <BR /> <BR />My motivation has come from those conversations with older people, but the legislation will protect people of all ages. Age discrimination can affect younger people too, whether it is in financial services, access to housing or how they are perceived when trying to access services. Everyone deserves to be treated fairly, regardless of their age. The legislation is not about giving anyone special treatment; it is about equality.”
“Last month, I launched a public consultation on new legislation to tackle age discrimination in the provision of goods, facilities and services, which should have been addressed in Northern Ireland long ago. At present, it is still entirely lawful for someone to be treated unfairly simply because of their age when trying to access everyday services from insurance to financial products, car hire to travel and, in some cases, even healthcare. Other parts of the United Kingdom and Ireland have already legislated to stop that. Northern Ireland is now the only region without that protection. That failure sends a clear message that age-based discrimination is tolerated here and that people, older people in particular, are not valued equally. I cannot accept that, and I know that many others across the House will not accept it either.”
“It is vital that we protect that advantage by supporting our local businesses and ensuring that they have the tools that they need to succeed.”
“With the right backing, Northern Ireland's SMEs will be able to continue to thrive and maintain their position in global markets, but only if we address the issues head-on. <BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom internal market provides a key competitive advantage, but that advantage is at risk if businesses cannot navigate the growing trade barriers and rising costs.”
“<BR /> <BR />For SMEs in Northern Ireland, the stakes are high. Without the right support, they risk losing access to vital markets. The UK Government must engage directly with the US and the EU to mitigate the tariffs and explore exemptions or reductions, particularly in sectors where Northern Ireland plays a key role. The Northern Ireland Executive must also step up and ensure that local businesses receive the support that they need, including clear guidance, simplified regulatory compliance and financial assistance where needed. The UK Government and the Northern Ireland Executive must act quickly and decisively to support our businesses. SMEs cannot be left to face the challenges alone.”
“I appreciate the opportunity to address the impact of US trade tariffs on Northern Ireland, particularly on our small and medium-sized enterprises. Northern Ireland's SMEs are a vital part of our economy, driving innovation, creating jobs and supporting local communities. Many of those businesses rely on exports, with the US market being a key destination for sectors such as agri-food, whisky and manufacturing. Tariffs increase costs, and for SMEs already operating on narrow margins, the burden is difficult to absorb. As a result, businesses are faced with either raising prices for consumers or losing competitiveness in the US market. Moreover, the EU's potential retaliatory tariffs in response to the US measures add further uncertainty. Northern Ireland businesses could face tariffs on exports to the EU as well, compounding the problem.”
“We are also very keen to learn from our counterparts in other regions of the UK and Ireland, to learn about and share how things are done elsewhere and to bring back that knowledge so that everyone can benefit from it. I urge the Assembly to support the motion, because together we can accelerate action for gender equality. I commend the motion to the House.”
“We know that, to deliver real change, we must think beyond the caucus and work together to combine support, resources and political will. <BR /> <BR />We want to work in partnership with those wishing to support women who want to become further involved in politics, and we want to play our part in supporting and enabling women to take that leap into political life. We know that there is no shortage of potential political representatives and leaders. The Women's Parliament, just last week, was evidence of that, but we want to do what we can to nurture that potential into action and progression so that, when they get here, we ensure that they stay. As a caucus, we also want to support the women who are already elected to the Assembly. We want to make sure that women MLAs have access to ongoing learning and development opportunities.”
“<BR /> <BR />As a caucus, we recognise that the challenges faced by women remain the same, and they include juggling work and home; the need for maternity leave and childcare; the problems of gender-based abuse and isolation; and the need for resilience and self-confidence. The political landscape must not put women at a disadvantage. Our political systems must be reflective of the people whom they represent, and we are committed to working, as far as is possible, to address the structural barriers to women's full participation in public life. We are committed to an Assembly that is accessible to women and that facilitates equality of participation. We have agreed recently to undertake a gender-sensitive audit, and we look forward to seeing that work progress throughout this year.”
“<BR /> <BR />Last Friday, I attended the sitting of the Women's Parliament, where, again, the passion and commitment that is coming from women leaders in society was really evident here in this Chamber in Parliament Buildings. They shared their lived experiences, and they wanted to debate the issues that matter to them and to the people whom they represent in their communities. Some of the key areas highlighted were violence against women and girls, affordable childcare, unpaid work and, again, caring responsibilities. We have rehearsed many of those concerns in the Chamber over the years. Indeed, we have rehearsed them over the past number of days and weeks, but we must now see tangible change. We must use our voice to raise one another up, because we can benefit from that unity of approach.”
“Council and parliamentary structures, such as the infrastructure, culture, operations and methods of work, can be a real and perceived barrier to full participation. When this Building was designed, it was designed by a man, without his being mindful of the fact that, one day, there would be women here. We need to change that in 2025. A lack of training available to elected representatives can also lead to feelings of isolation and imposter syndrome. I am sure that every woman in the Chamber has felt imposter syndrome. Confidence is gained through experience and support, but we cannot get that experience and support if we are not here doing the job.”
“<BR /> <BR />I truly feel uplifted when I hear the passion for making a difference to local communities, and we hear that from our female representatives. In sharing our pathways, however, it became very clear that many women face barriers on their political journey. Such barriers include the hateful abuse and negative comments on social media and other online platforms, and there is more that we can do there. Personal safety is also a very real concern. Another is work-life balance, with a focus on the challenges presented by trying to juggle caring responsibilities. A career in politics needs to be seen to be achievable for those with caring responsibilities. The lack of adequate maternity leave for elected representatives is a further barrier.”
“On 11 February 2025, the Women's Caucus hosted a networking event here in Parliament Buildings, to which we welcomed women local councillors from across Northern Ireland. The event allowed us to share lived experiences, which are key to understanding how to address under-representation of women in politics, how to identify what needs to be done to attract more women into politics and how to support more women in their political advancement. It is evident that support for other women and, notably, cross-party solidarity amongst women is increasing. Our Women's Caucus is an example of that, and so, united across party lines, we tabled the motion. The potential here is transformative for the Assembly and for Northern Ireland.”
“The caucus is working to address the marginalisation by focusing on what the barriers are and working to create targeted action to break them down and work towards a vision of Northern Ireland where women are equally represented in politics.”
“Today, our count of women MLAs has reached 40%, 28% of Northern Ireland's MPs are women and approximately 26% of councillors are women: that is not adequate representation. The political landscape must not put women at a disadvantage. Our political systems must reflect the people whom they represent. <BR /> <BR />It would be remiss of me not to welcome the fact that, for the first time, the majority — 58% — of those who sit at the table of the Executive Committee are women. It has also been recognised that the Northern Ireland Assembly has had a notable increase in female representation, which rose from 13% in 1998 to 36% in 2022. We know that women's full and meaningful political participation in public life helps to advance gender equality as a whole. However, we need to address the structural barriers.”
“We want to lend our voices and use our positions as elected representatives to push for collective action and shared ownership for driving gender parity. <BR /> <BR />International Women's Day has been around for over 100 years, as many issues still impact on the advancement of women. The world now rightly expects diversity, equality and inclusion. The world notices its absence and celebrates its presence. We have come a long way as regards the representation of women in political life in Northern Ireland, but we have not come far enough. The Good Friday Agreement contained a clause that affirmed the right of women to full and equal political participation, but women remain under-represented in all spheres of political life: the Assembly, Westminster and local government.”
“Thank you, Deputy Speaker. It is my privilege, as the current Chairperson of the Northern Ireland Assembly Women's Caucus, to move the motion. The motion is the second of the mandate to be tabled by the caucus, which is a united, cross-party forum made up of all current women MLAs. It aims to address the under-representation of women in politics in Northern Ireland and to highlight the importance of women in public life. <BR /> <BR />The theme for International Women's Day 2025 is "Accelerate Action". It is a call to action to advance and celebrate women's equality worldwide. The theme of "Accelerate Action" has been chosen because, at the current rate of progress, it will take until 2158, which is roughly five generations from now, to reach full gender parity, according to data from the World Economic Forum (WEF).”
“However, for the legislation to be as strong as it should be, schools must do more than simply acknowledge affordability; they must show how they are actively working to reduce costs. The timeline for implementation must also be clear so that parents feel the benefits sooner rather than later. Enforcement must be accessible so that families who struggle to meet uniform costs have a clear route to challenge unfair policies. <BR /> <BR />I support the Bill and its aim of ensuring real and meaningful change for families across Northern Ireland.”
“This does not seem to be an issue in primary schools. Many allow parents to buy standard-colour items from supermarkets, which keeps costs low while ensuring a sense of uniformity. The most expensive item in a primary-school uniform is often an item with a badge or crest, but, even with that, there are ways to make it more affordable. If primary schools can ensure uniformity without excessive costs, there is no reason why post-primary schools cannot do the same. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is a positive step forward in ensuring that school uniforms remain a source of identity and pride rather than financial stress. It takes important measures to give parents more choice, make affordability a central consideration and extend financial support to more families.”
“That is an important step, but, again, enforcement needs to be practical and accessible. Parents must have a clear and straightforward way to challenge uniform policies, if they feel that they are unfair. If a school continues to set unaffordable uniform requirements, families need to know what steps they can take. There must be confidence that their concerns will be taken seriously and acted on. The Department must ensure that a robust process is in place so that schools are held accountable and families are not left struggling year after year. Schools themselves need to be supported, as it is a new policy that will put an extra burden on them. They should be supported with that as well. <BR /> <BR />It is also worth recognising that primary schools tend to take a more balanced approach to uniform policies.”
“<BR /> <BR />One of the most significant aspects of the Bill is that it limits the single supplier policy. That is welcome. Parents should never be forced to buy from one expensive retailer when there are more affordable alternatives elsewhere. While that change is positive, again, it must be properly enforced. If a school removes a single supplier policy but still insists on a blazer in a unique shade of green that is not available anywhere else, the cost problem remains. The restriction must be watertight, if it is to ensure that families have real flexibility when purchasing uniforms. <BR /> <BR />Transparency is another welcome part of the Bill. Schools will now be required to publish their uniform policies, and the Department will have the power to intervene if schools impose unreasonable costs.”
“<BR /> <BR />The timeline for implementation also needs to be clear. Parents who struggle now need relief sooner rather than later — certainly before the end of this summer — yet some of the key provisions of the Bill will take effect only when further commencement orders are made. That means that families could still pay high uniform costs for another few years before they see any difference. I would welcome clarity on that from the Minister. Schools need time to adapt — I appreciate that — but there is a difference between a reasonable transition period and unnecessary delay. If we are genuinely serious about reducing costs, we need a clear and realistic deadline for schools to implement the changes so that families can benefit from the legislation as soon as possible.”
“The Minister has referred to how the Bill will do that. <BR /> <BR />The Bill rightly places a duty on schools to consider affordability when setting uniform policies. That is an important step. However, affordability means different things to different people, and, without a clear definition, there is a real risk that schools will technically comply whilst still setting expensive uniform requirements. If a school continues to demand multiple branded items, restricts where uniforms can be bought or insists on specific colours that are available only from one supplier, parents will still be left with high costs. Schools must be able to demonstrate how they have reduced financial pressures on families and not simply state that they have considered affordability before carrying on as usual.”
“It all adds up, and, for those on lower incomes, the strain is even greater. For families with more than one child, the cost multiplies, and, for those already struggling with rising household bills, the pressure is significant. <BR /> <BR />I fully support the principle of school uniforms. They promote a sense of belonging, reduce social pressures and contribute to school identity and safety, but a uniform should not be a financial obstacle. If a school uniform exists to unite pupils, it should not divide families on the basis of what they can afford. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is a step in the right direction. I welcome it, but, for it to be truly effective, it must do more than set out good intentions. It must deliver practical, enforceable change that will ensure that families see a real reduction in uniform costs.”
“I rise to support the School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill at Second Stage. Every year, as the summer holidays draw to a close, I hear the same concerns from parents that the cost of school uniforms is simply too high. It is not just an occasional complaint. I have been advocating on the issue for many years, so I welcome the Minister bringing forward a tangible action that will, hopefully, ease the burden that many families across Northern Ireland feel. <BR /> <BR />In my constituency, parents have told me that they spend hundreds of pounds to ensure that their children meet uniform requirements when they start post-primary school. It is not just a blazer and a tie any more. Families are expected to purchase multiple sports kits, expensive branded items and specific-coloured shirts that are not available in standard shops.”
“<BR /> <BR />I welcome the recognition in the final draft of the Programme for Government that Northern Ireland's ageing population must be reflected in the way that we plan for public services. It follows a motion last week in the Assembly and tireless campaigns by the age sector. However, recognition alone is not enough. This cannot be a token gesture: it must be embedded into the way that we approach policy and service delivery. <BR /> <BR />I will talk about regional balance briefly. It has to be more than Belfast and Derry. We are a rural Northern Ireland, and we need to look to both our urban areas and rural villages if we genuinely want to bring everyone onto an equal footing.”
“What about school-age childcare, working families and middle-income families who earn too much for benefits but cannot afford private options? <BR /> <BR />The housing policy also lacks ambition, but, again, we see no direct aims and objectives to address the issues around water and waste water capacity. <BR /> <BR />Early intervention should be at the core of all policies, and I recognise that. Schools, community and organisational professionals all highlight the concerns, but what about parenting support? There is no clear plan to help families provide the stability that children need. If we fail to address the issues early, they will place even greater pressure on the services ahead.”
“We could also use the fund to gather and improve data collection, ensuring that we base our priorities on real evidence rather than assumptions. Without a strong understanding of where our greatest needs are, resources will continue to be stretched thinly rather than targeted effectively. <BR /> <BR />We should not only address today's challenges but prepare for the future. Government in Northern Ireland has always been reactive rather than proactive. If we do not turn off the tap, there is no point in emptying the sink. We heard it in the Bengoa report. It was published in 2016, yet we still have not implemented it — primary care and early intervention. <BR /> <BR />The investment in childcare is welcome, but it only brings Northern Ireland up to the standard that other regions have already reached.”
“We all acknowledge that demand for public services far exceeds the available funding, and, without that clear financial strategy, the risk is that many of the commitments will remain just aspirations. <BR /> <BR />I also want to talk about the transformation fund: £235 million is a significant amount of money, and there is an opportunity not just to modernise services but to drive structural reform of how government operates. As I have mentioned, other regions, such as Scotland, have moved towards outcomes-based Departments rather than rigid ministerial structures. Northern Ireland could use the fund to advance significant structural change, ensuring that policies are developed with collaboration and long-term impact in mind.”
“While our Government are divided in that way, which we have seen since their inception, real problems fall through the cracks. That is why Northern Ireland has not been able to progress in the years since the Good Friday Agreement. <BR /> <BR />If the programme is to deliver real change, it must focus on outcomes that matter to the Department, not just flagship departmental priorities. I remain disappointed that the approach that was taken in 2016, with an outcomes-based accountability model, has not progressed further. We need to look to other jurisdictions on these islands to see that this is about outcomes. It is not about ticking boxes or departmental aims and objectives; it is about the people of Northern Ireland.”
“We have failed young people with learning disabilities for years, yet the Department of Health, the Department for the Economy and the Department of Education cannot decide which of them will take charge on it, so they simply do not. Such young people have spent years navigating a system in which no Department takes ownership, leaving them without proper support. That is shameful. Adult social care has been debated endlessly, yet meaningful progress has stalled, because, again, no single Department will take charge. That is similar to ending violence against women and girls. Whilst I welcome that, without embedding it in education on misogyny and without legislation making misogyny a hate crime or taking action against online harms, its impact will be limited. Tackling deeply rooted attitudes requires more than awareness campaigns.”
“We can talk today about what is and is not in the Programme for Government, but, realistically, for the people of Northern Ireland to realise that this Building has any value, we have to deliver. They are tired of words. They need action and want to see real change that improves their daily life. They want to see a Government who make a real difference, not just a list of ambitions that never move beyond the page. <BR /> <BR />The programme is built around nine priority objectives, each of which is tied to a Department. I am concerned by that approach, because, again, it shares out priorities rather than focusing on what Northern Ireland genuinely needs. Some of the most pressing issues do not fit neatly into one Department, which is probably why they are not in. Post-19 education, as others have said, is a clear example.”
“The Programme for Government sets out a series of commitments, but, at the end of all the speeches, we must ask ourselves this: will it lead to the real change that the people of Northern Ireland need and deserve or simply repeat what we have heard before? I ask that mindful of a significantly reduced mandate and a difficult Budget. <BR /> <BR />I hope that the programme will lead to good change, but we have seen similar pledges in the past on health reform, childcare, tackling paramilitarism, housing, education, social care and economic growth. Time and time again, however, progress has been slow, and many communities still feel left behind. They lack confidence that the institutions have the ability to deliver. The outcome of the programme will be whether we can deliver.”
“To go back to the specific question, given that company's role in relation to Palestine, does the First Minister support the £1·6 billion deal that the UK Government announced this morning?”
“I agree with Colin McGrath: this cannot just be a strategy that sits on a shelf. It is the only thing we can get right now: there is nothing else. I appreciate that the junior Minister says that we have a strategy and it is likely to continue. However, it is not mentioned at all in the Programme for Government. That is a failure of responsibility, a failure to recognise the people whom we represent. "All ages" does not cut it: it is not enough, particularly because of the impact of that age group in itself.”
“It is about how things directly affect our older people. We heard that from Nicola Brogan, Harry Harvey and Nuala McAllister. Nuala talked to the community and voluntary groups, which is key. I outlined at the start of the debate how my interest in the issue was driven by community and voluntary groups, and we need to listen to them. They are the people who ultimately empower us to stand here and do all the good things that we can in the Chamber. That is critical. The Opposition, from official to unofficial, also talked about community groups on the ground. In u3a, we have a similar group on the north coast. Again, those people very much drive my motivation on this.”
“We are often told how useless we are, but every one of us has the ability to write legislation and take forward things that will improve the lives of people in Northern Ireland. This is one way in which I want to do that, and I am really keen to work with the Executive Office on it, because I recognise that a lot of what I propose is very much the work that began with Peter Robinson and Martin McGuinness. We will have to look at other ways of doing it, and, indeed, we have an opportunity to look at how legislation has worked or perhaps not worked in other jurisdictions and to improve it for Northern Ireland. However, if the legislation does nothing more than recognise in statute the value of older people, is that not enough? Hopefully, however, it will do more than that. <BR /> <BR />There were other, similar comments.”
“I appreciate that. I agree wholeheartedly. If people ask me why this place does not have the ability to do anything, I say that it is because we have never had the consistency to take things forward. If this is about improvement and change for everyone in Northern Ireland, we have to have that consistency. I will digress a little to say that devolution is the only show in town — there is nothing else — so we either have this place or we have nothing. We saw that during the six years of no government in Northern Ireland, and people need to wake up to that reality. <BR /> <BR />I will come back to age discrimination legislation. That is where we, as MLAs, really have power.”