Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“I support the motion and the amendment. Coercive control is one of the most damaging forms of abuse because it is not always visible. It is not one incident; it is a pattern. It is persistent, and it strips a person of their independence, confidence and, over time, their sense of reality. That is why the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 mattered so much. It recognised that abuse is not just physical; it can be psychological, emotional, financial and controlling. That was a significant and important shift in how we understand domestic abuse in Northern Ireland. However, legislation on its own does not protect people from abuse in its entirety. Socially, we need to see it, understand it and protect against it.”
“The UK Government must revisit their approach to funding, but the Executive need to show greater leadership, foresight and prioritisation because, if we continue on this current path, we will not just see a funding gap but a support gap. That is something that many of our constituents cannot afford, and it is something that the Executive cannot afford, as we hear regularly.”
“It is fortunate that we are having the debate today, but, as other Members have mentioned, the motion is non-binding and has come not from the Executive but from the Opposition. <BR /> <BR />What is at stake is real: services, jobs and people. We know from evidence that, without continued funding, organisations will close, staff will be lost and the people most affected will be those already facing the greatest challenges. The section 75 groups will feel it the most. That is the consequence of getting it wrong. It is about recognising that there are failures at multiple levels. The UK Government have questions to answer, but let us not forget that the Executive do as well, because they have been responsible for the issue for many years, not just in recent years, when the funding was cut.”
“The Government's plans for the future are at risk because they will not be able to rely on the community and voluntary sector, which is going to fail. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate that the Executive do not have the required resources. I expect the Finance Minister to reiterate that, as the Executive have done throughout the mandate, but the Executive must make the strongest possible case for the sector. I appreciate that others have said that that is what the Executive have been doing, but they need to advocate clearly, consistently and urgently for funding that reflects the level of need here. If the remit sits with the UK Government, the Executive, as representatives of Northern Ireland, need to make that case. We are not seeing the strength or urgency required.”
“The Government will feel it when the sector fails, because it delivers some of the best value for money in our entire system. It prevents problems from escalating, supports people before they reach crisis and reduces pressure on our health service, justice system and social services. It is not perfect, but it is not government; it is voluntary. It cannot afford to be perfect. When the sector is not there, those pressures will not disappear; they will move elsewhere at greater cost to the Executive and the UK Government. I find it difficult to accept that, in the face of all that, the community and voluntary sector does not appear to be front and centre in our Programme for Government. Ironically, it talks about how it will support other priorities in the Programme for Government, but it is not a priority on its own.”
“The sector has been raising concerns consistently, yet here we are, in a position in which organisations are scaling back services, laying off staff and, in some cases, facing closure. The Member for North Belfast said that, in the 10 years in which we have been in the Chamber, nothing has changed. That does not begin and end with the local growth fund; it begins with the responsibility that the Executive have shirked. <BR /> <BR />The issue speaks to a lack of foresight and planning. It also speaks to a broader issue about how the sector is valued in government decision-making. If we are honest, when budgets are tight, the sector is often treated as expendable. It is seen as the easiest place in which to reduce funding. That makes no sense, because the community and voluntary sector is propping up government in areas in which it fails.”
“<BR /> <BR />The impact of the local growth fund and the failure to properly replace previous European funding is real. The reduced funding and the way in which it has been structured, particularly the heavy focus on capital rather than revenue, do not reflect how the sector operates. The organisations in the sector are people-based. They require staff, continuity and relationships. The services cannot be delivered through capital spend alone. There is a clear responsibility on the UK Government. Decisions that have been taken do not reflect the needs of Northern Ireland. That has a direct and damaging impact on organisations that are delivering front-line support. That cannot be ignored and should be challenged more robustly. However, the Executive have known for some time that changes to funding were coming.”
“I appreciate the opportunity to speak on the motion, which is ultimately about the organisations that people turn to when everything else has failed them. Across Northern Ireland, the community and voluntary sector is not an add-on or complementary to public services; it often is the service. It is the organisation that answers the phone, opens the door and steps in when statutory provision cannot or does not. We all know that. We see it in our constituency offices. People are supported with problems to do with mental health, addiction, poverty, isolation and employability, often long before the state even recognises that there is a problem. Despite that, however, the sector finds itself once again in a position of uncertainty, instability and, in some cases, collapse.”
“I hope that he will recognise the opportunity here and consider how we can better support them going forward.”
“It is a club on the rise. We are going to Europe, and the team has a strong community behind it and a proven ability to deliver success. The team will take it as far as it can, but it cannot do it alone. We need to see more consistent investment in local sport. Too often, funding feels like it is concentrated in the same spaces, where clubs such as Coleraine, despite their success and community impact, are left trying to bridge the gap themselves. If we are serious about growing our game, supporting our communities and building on success, the investment needs to be spread more fairly. This is not just about one club; it is about what clubs such as Coleraine represent right across Northern Ireland. I am mindful that the Minister for Communities knows both clubs well.”
“Coleraine Football Club sits in one of the most socially deprived areas of Northern Ireland, yet it brings something incredibly positive into that space. It brings joy, pride and opportunity, not just in one area but across the town and the wider north-west. Our success comes on the back of a strong league campaign, where we finished as the runners-up, and it is a team that is clearly on an upward trajectory. It is Coleraine's seventh Irish Cup, and the first since 2018, which makes the moment all the more meaningful. I pay tribute to Ruaidhrí Higgins because it has been an incredibly difficult time in his personal life, yet he has led his team to silverware in his first year in charge, and that speaks to the resilience and belief that he has built in the squad. <BR /> <BR />There is real opportunity in what Coleraine FC is building.”
“For those of us who are Bannsiders, the connection runs deep. It is about identity as much as football. It is about the club that we grew up with, stand by and feel part of through the highs and the lows. That was clear in the stands: the support was constant, loud and fully behind the team from the start to the finish. There was a real sense that the players were carrying an entire town with them. <BR /> <BR />Coleraine FC fans are exceptional. Week after week, they turn out in numbers that rival and often exceed some of the bigger clubs in Belfast. Anyone who has stood in the Showgrounds on a Saturday afternoon knows exactly what the club means to people, and that matters more when we recognise where the club is based.”
“I, too, recognise what was truly a special moment at the weekend, as Coleraine Football Club lifted the Irish Cup following a thrilling final against Dungannon Swifts. More than 11,000 supporters from both clubs travelled to Windsor Park, creating an atmosphere that reflected the very best of our local game. Dungannon Swifts deserve real credit for their part in that occasion, both on the pitch and in the stands. <BR /> <BR />This is about more than just a great result. In the weeks leading up to the final, you could feel something building right across Coleraine. The blue and white army was out in force. There were flags on the lamp posts and in windows, and businesses proudly showed their support. The support was everywhere, and it spoke to a town coming together behind something that belongs to them.”
“There is not likely to be evidence if the Department is not collecting it, and it is difficult to address an issue if we do not have that data. From your experience, what method would you recommend and suggest to the Minister to collect the information that is anecdotally known about but needs to be backed up with data?”
“However, unfortunately, strategy cannot come at the expense of urgency, and, sadly, the issue in front of us is now urgent: can NHS dentistry remain viable? If the payment model does not work, the service will continue to shrink regardless of what our strategy says. I will therefore support the amendment, but, Minister, the strategy must be matched by immediate action rather than saying, "Let's leave it until the next mandate", because we know what will happen then. <BR /> <BR />That means publishing the cost-of-service review without delay; putting in place a sustainable payment model; and taking steps to protect access for NHS patients. If we continue on the current path, we will not just have a system that is under pressure; large parts of it will be lost to our population. Once it is gone, it will be very difficult to rebuild.”
“We spend a lot of time dealing with the consequences of poor health, and dentistry is one area in which, if we intervene earlier to prevent problems, we can reduce that pressure. It is about investing to save, which is a phrase that the Executive would do well to consider, because, when access drops, we lose opportunity. As with so many issues, as others have said, the pressure is not felt equally. Those in the most deprived areas experience worse outcomes, so it is an equality issue. We have a First Minister who talks about being the Minister for equality, but her Government do not demonstrate that. <BR /> <BR />I support the amendment, because we need a longer-term approach and to look at the workforce and how services are structured.”
“Over a number of years, that action has not come at the pace or scale that is needed. Dentistry is not optional. It is part of our health system. When people cannot access routine care, problems are delayed and become more serious, and that places further pressure on a system that is already struggling.”
“Right now, the amount of care that they can provide is falling. <BR /> <BR />The Department will point to the funding from schemes and recent investment, but that does not change people's experience when they try to access a dentist. It is one of the issues raised most frequently in my constituency office. Every MLA in Northern Ireland will have an example of when someone has come in and asked, "Do you know of any NHS dentists?", and the answer is no. <BR /> <BR />We are still awaiting the publication of the cost-of-service review, which is meant to inform the reform. That delay matters, because, without it, there is no clear path to fixing the problem at the centre. <BR /> <BR />I accept that the situation is not unique to Northern Ireland, but we are a devolved Administration and therefore have the ability to act.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is a huge gap between what the Department is paying and what it costs to deliver that type of healthcare. As the gap grows, dentists are being forced to reduce their NHS work and move towards providing private care. I have seen it happen locally. Practices that would have preferred to remain within the NHS are stepping back from it because they simply cannot afford to make NHS dentistry work. The pandemic accelerated the situation, but it did not create it. Rather, it exposed a system that was already under strain, while the cost of delivering care increased through higher clinical standards and longer treatment times. At the same time, the issue is not necessarily about the number of dentists but about how much NHS care dentists can realistically provide under the current model.”
“<BR /> <BR />I appreciate the proposer of the motion's arguments, because they reflect exactly what people on the ground are telling us, which is that they cannot get registered, cannot get appointments and, more often than not, are told that their only option is to go private. <BR /> <BR />We need to be clear about from where the pressure comes. It is not from the dentists, who have held the service together for longer than they should have been expected to. What I hear from dentists on the ground is that the current model is neither financially viable nor sustainable. It is not about profit but about existence. Dental practices are businesses, and if they cannot afford to cover their costs, they cannot continue. When that happens, people lose access entirely.”
“This is an issue that has been raised consistently in the House over a number of years, across various mandates and throughout the tenure of successive Ministers. I agree with Deborah Erskine that the situation on the ground continues to get worse. For a growing number of people across Northern Ireland, NHS dentistry is no longer something that they can access. To all intents and purposes, it is becoming privatised. Only around half of adults are now registered with a dentist, and registrations have dropped sharply in the past year. We need to ask why. Is it down to poor public health messaging, or are people simply fed up trying to get an appointment that does not exist? Treatment levels remain well below where they were before the pandemic. That is a system in decline.”
“There is also a need for a more coordinated approach across the agencies and for earlier intervention where problems are persistent and are clearly impacting on residents. <BR /> <BR />Of course, it is important to recognise that some individuals involved in antisocial behaviour may be dealing with their own complex issues, including mental health challenges or addiction, and support must be part of that response. However, that cannot come at the expense of those who are living with ongoing disruption and feeling unsafe in their homes. It is about balance and about ensuring that communities are protected, concerns are taken seriously and people feel confident that action will be taken when issues are raised.”
“That context matters because, if we are serious about ending violence against women and girls, we cannot separate that ambition from the environments that people move through every day. The areas where antisocial behaviour persists are often the areas where people feel least safe. They are areas with poor lighting, neglected or overlooked spaces and a lack of visible presence or deterrent. Those are not minor issues; they shape behaviour, confidence and how people experience their communities. <BR /> <BR />There are practical steps that we can take. We can improve our street lighting; we can make more effective use of CCTV; we can have better maintenance of public services so that areas feel visible and cared for; and we can have a more consistent presence in areas where concerns are raised repeatedly.”
“Recent reports in Coleraine and Limavady of women being followed, alongside other incidents, have understandably heightened that concern. For many women, situations such as that are not viewed in isolation. They are part of a wider reality where everyday activities such as walking home, passing through a public space or being out after dark require a heightened sense of awareness. That is the reality of being a woman. <BR /> <BR />There is also a growing frustration about how those situations are being addressed. People feel that, despite reporting issues, there are delays or limits to what can be done. That creates a sense that the system is not working as it should and that concerns are not being resolved.”
“I wish to highlight ongoing concerns around antisocial behaviour in Coleraine, Limavady and, indeed, the wider Causeway area. It is having an impact on people's sense of safety in their communities, particularly for women and girls. In recent months, I have been contacted by residents dealing with persistent disruption, including late-night parties, suspected drug use and, in some cases, violence. Those are not sporadic incidents; they are happening repeatedly over long periods and are having a real impact on people's ability to feel safe and to feel settled in their own homes. <BR /> <BR />For many women and girls, that impact can feel different. Antisocial behaviour is not always just experienced as disruption; it is intimidation and threats.”
“First Minister, will you give a commitment that, before the end of the mandate, we will look into strategic planning for our ageing population? You referred to older people and how we have to be effective for them. Absolutely: they are as much part of society as any other age group. However, all public services will be impacted on — we see it already in the health service — if we do not start planning for the impact of an ageing population. It is irresponsible of the Government not to have looked at it before now. It was irresponsible 10 years ago. We need to do it, not today, not tomorrow but yesterday. Can I get that commitment from you?”
“<BR /> <BR />These events are serious and should be treated as such, but the future of Northern Ireland will not be shaped by those who carry out attacks such as this, and we, as elected representatives, must ensure that it is not.”
“Whilst we seem to be in peaceful times in Northern Ireland — thankfully, we have come such a long way from where we were — those threats continue, and those officers and their families and communities live with that every day. <BR /> <BR />The overwhelming majority of people want a safe community and a stable future. That is what people expect and deserve, not least after years of the Troubles and violence. <BR /> <BR />Those responsible for these events seek to create fear, division and uncertainty. They should not and will not succeed in doing so, because the direction of travel in Northern Ireland is forward. It is shaped by the many people who have chosen peace and stability every day.”
“This incident will also have had a very real impact on those closest to it: the officers who serve at the station and the staff who work there. Local residents in Dunmurry — families, mothers and children — will have been deeply affected. Such an incident affects people's sense of safety and normality, and that should not be underestimated. It will have created a trauma for which people will undoubtedly need support, but, sadly, it is not there. It is also a reminder of the reality of policing. The police are often criticised, but they serve to keep us safe, and they should be able to carry out that role without facing threats of this nature. <BR /> <BR />Sadly, those threats have continued for the police and for others on the front line. They have not gone away.”
“We cannot allow those responsible to drag us back. It serves no one, least of all the community that they claim to represent. It is a manipulation for their own selfish aims.”
“Rightly, all of us find these events deeply concerning. That was the second such attack in a matter of months, and that alone should give us all pause for thought. They are not isolated incidents; they suggest something more deliberate and sinister that we, as elected Members, cannot afford to ignore. <BR /> <BR />For many people across Northern Ireland, this will be a disturbing reminder of the past. The nature of the attack and the fear that it was designed to create will resonate far beyond the immediate incident. People recognise what it looks like, and they understand the damage that it can do and continues to do not just physically but to confidence and to their everyday lives. There is no place for such violence in our society. It was a clear attempt to create fear and instability and should be recognised as that.”
“We recognise that rare but critical incidents require preparation, consistency and confidence to act. Anaphylaxis deserves the same level of seriousness. <BR /> <BR />There is also a wider concern. Where schools do not feel properly equipped or supported to manage serious medical conditions, we risk creating situations where children are not fully accommodated. In some cases, it may lead to reluctance to admit them to that school, and that raises real concerns about equality of access to education. We should not allow that position to develop. <BR /> <BR />The lesson from Benedict's case in England is not about what went wrong but about what we can put right. It is about putting clear systems in place so that, when something happens, there is no hesitation and no uncertainty about what needs to be done in that moment.”
“That is not a criticism of teachers; it is recognition that we are asking them to carry a significant responsibility without consistently giving them clarity, training or legal support to do so. <BR /> <BR />In our system, guidance alone is not enough. With different school sectors and boards of governors setting policies at their own local level, we inevitably end up with inconsistency. At present, it is largely treated as an individual medical issue for each child, managed through care plans in schools, but, when the risk is life-threatening and time-critical, it is no longer just an individual issue; it is a system-wide safety issue that requires a system-wide response. We have taken the same approach elsewhere: every school in Northern Ireland now has a defibrillator on site.”
“They understand the risks and the routine, but, in a severe reaction, they may not always be able to treat themselves. That is when adults around them need to step in quickly and with confidence, and that is where Northern Ireland falls short. <BR /> <BR />In England, following the tragic death of Benedict Blythe, steps have been taken to place allergy safety in schools on a statutory footing, including access to emergency pens, staff training and clear school policies. Here, we still rely on guidance. The Department's position makes it clear that there is no overarching legal duty on school staff to administer medication and that staff may choose not to volunteer.”
“During Allergy Awareness Week, I want to highlight an issue that, whilst relatively uncommon in any individual school on any given day, can have serious consequences when it arises: severe food allergy and anaphylaxis in our schools. <BR /> <BR />Anaphylaxis is not always obvious. We often think of severe breathing difficulties, but it can begin with more subtle signs: a child becoming dizzy or confused; having a persistent cough or hoarse voice; vomiting; swelling; having a rash; or simply not responding as they normally would. Those early signs matter, because, when a reaction takes hold, there is little time to act, and delay can have serious consequences. Children living with serious allergies are often capable of managing their condition.”
“Thank you, Minister. I appreciate your making the connection between various parts of government. I am not saying that you should take over a Department. I am simply saying that you should work with your colleagues in government and work towards a shared outcome. If one of you has to take the lead because of the way that our government is designed, maybe that is what we need to do. It is not a flippant response or saying that you need to do everything. It is recognising that we need more joined-up government.”
“<BR /> <BR />I will support the Bill at this stage. There is a lot of work to be done, and I commend the Member for bringing it to the attention of the House. It is sad that we have to legislate on this, but I think that our job here, ultimately, is to serve the people of Northern Ireland. In this area, we are not serving them.”
“It is not just the school holidays but throughout the year. As I said, the Executive firefight. Too often, we are dealing with the symptoms, and, in many ways, the Bill, sadly, is dealing with a symptom. That should not be the case, and it should never have been the case. We would once have taken it for granted that we are feeding our children, but we are not. Given the pressure on public services and the reality that nothing feels protected any more, I recognise that we are under really difficult budgetary pressure. The sad thing is that the things that we always thought would be there — the fundamental services that we, as legislators, assumed would be taken care of — are not there because people are making really difficult choices on the bottom line. The only way to protect fundamental services is to legislate for them.”
“Would it not be a wonderful thing if our Education Minister were to say that they were his responsibility all 365 days of the year, not just during term time, because he recognises that, when they are not getting fed through the summer, that has an impact on their education? <BR /> <BR />Other Members have talked about after-school clubs and extracurricular activities. That is education. We only have to look at how that develops children individually. Education is not just numeracy and literacy; it is development, life skills and all those things. We are limiting that, not just in the summer months but when they go back to school. Think how much more developed they would be if we actually supported them during their time off. <BR /> <BR />We are too slow in addressing the root causes of why children are going hungry.”
“I would like to see many more Members' Bills. I have my own Bill coming through, and I am frustrated that it is not moving as quickly as I would like. That is what this job exists for. If the Bill is not right, the Minister can take it on himself, and that would be a huge success. He can potentially look at other ways of doing this. Let us not just say that we cannot agree with it and then scrap it. Let us look at the problem and start fixing it. That may require legislation or it may not. <BR /> <BR />This stage is about the principles of the Bill, and, for me, that is about whether we want children and families struggling in hunger throughout the summer months, throughout Easter and throughout Christmas simply because they are not at school.”
“I am not surprised that Ministers are not really talking to one another, but is that not desperately sad? When they accepted the oath when they became Ministers, they agreed to work together in one Government. If there is one message that I can get out to the general public of Northern Ireland, it is this: do not be gaslit by Ministers into thinking that they are not all working together. Maybe they are not, but they are one Government, and they agreed to that. That is the responsibility that they agreed to when they took on those roles. <BR /> <BR />The Bill needs work. It needs to be discussed, explored and tested. I appreciate that it is a Member's Bill, but, again, if the Government are not doing it, there is an opportunity for Back-Benchers to put forward their own legislation. We are legislators. That is what we exist for.”
“Absolutely. It gives me no pleasure to say that, in Northern Ireland, we are not strategic, and we are not looking at joined-up approaches to achieve our outcomes. We do not recognise that there is an upstream problem with all this. It is sad that we need legislation to deal with that symptom of the problems that exist right throughout society, but that symptom in itself will lead to further symptoms, including in the justice system, and outcomes relating to educational attainment and achievement. All of it is relevant and should be taken in the round, and that is why it is so frustrating to me, having been a Member of the House for 12 years, that we are still having conversations about how Departments are not working together. We are still having conversations in silos.”
“I also appreciate that it would be an ongoing cost. If we pass the legislation, the Department of Education will be compelled to meet the cost every year. We then have to look at what other Departments spend money on, because it is not just about the Department of Education. Members of the Northern Ireland Executive need to sit around a table and prioritise a Budget together. Yes, they will bring their own remit into those conversations, but, at the end of the day, it should be about outcomes. It should be about the people of Northern Ireland, who do not fit neatly into Education, Health or Communities.”
“I am not seeing any other action by this Government or any other. I have listened to contributions in which it was said, "If we had £20 million, we would do this with it". The reality is that you are doing nothing anyway. If there is action through the Bill, at least we are responding by raising an issue that affects a lot of families across Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />People listening to the debate probably assume that children are not going without, but the reality is that they are. In Northern Ireland, there are children living in poverty. In Northern Ireland, there are children who are going to school and getting their one meal a day. That is all that they are getting. That should really concern all of us. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate that there is a cost, but, as others have said, at some point, we have to decide what to prioritise.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is also not about creating something new but about responding to something that we have already seen, so it is possible. There is context for it. I appreciate that it is a different context of more challenging budgets and a more expensive environment, but does that not give us more of an impetus to try to support the people whom we are here to represent? <BR /> <BR />The Bill is about food. It is about children not feeling hungry. Imagine feeling hunger as a child. We should aim higher, however. It should be not just about ensuring that children get one meal a day but about ensuring that children are being properly fed throughout the day and are being brought out of poverty. I appreciate that we need an anti-poverty strategy across the board, but I am not seeing that.”
“If that is the only objection to the problem, maybe that is how we make progress on the issue. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate that, ultimately, it comes down to the bottom line. Departments will say, "That's a very nice idea, but, if I'm not compelled to do it, I won't, because I can't afford to do it. We do not have the money in our budget", but it is fundamental and basic. It is not just a Department of Education problem but a Northern Ireland Executive problem. It is also a UK Government problem. They must recognise that they need to give more money back to Northern Ireland so that we can share it out among families here. The numbers are great. Someone said that 90,000 children are entitled to free school meals. Please correct me if I am wrong. That is a significant number of children. It is not a couple of thousand children but 90,000.”
“I really struggle with the idea that we recognise need during term time but step back during the school holidays, when, in many cases, the pressure on families is greater, given the additional costs that come with having kids at home. <BR /> <BR />Members have asked whether it is within the Education Minister's remit to provide if children are not in school. That is a case of "Not my remit, not my problem". I remind everybody in the Assembly that there is one Government. You all sit around an Executive table, hopefully weekly but maybe biweekly. You talk about the issues. If there is an issue with this being under one siloed Department, work together. I remember being in a Government in which we had outcomes-based accountability. Departments agreed to share, with one Department taking the lead.”
“<BR /> <BR />When we talk about the context of the rising cost of living, it means cutting back. For others, that means not simply cutting out luxuries but making real choices about whether to have three meals a day, two meals a day or even one meal a day. That children are part of that is genuinely heartbreaking. Frankly, it is a failure in a region of a Western democracy that we are talking about having starving children here. <BR /> <BR />One of the few certainties that children have is that, when they are in school, they will at least get one proper meal a day. That is something on which we can rely. Is it not sad that that is what we are relying on? When schools close during the holidays, however, that certainty disappears. We should never be in a position in which a child's most reliable meal depends on the school calendar.”
“Some families feel it sooner and feel it harder, and that is because they simply do not have the same room to absorb the pressure. <BR /> <BR />Pat Sheehan, I think, talked about middle-income families who may not necessarily be eligible for what is being proposed. That demonstrates the squeeze that people across Northern Ireland face. For low-income families, that pressure is more acute, which is why, when we have such opportunities, we should take them. Bear in mind that we have such opportunities only when the system is already not working. When the Government are not already implementing such policies, we have to legislate for them. That is sad. Something as fundamental as this issue should not require legislation to compel the Government to do something about providing a basic right, which is food.”
“Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. I support the Bill's Second Stage, because, for me, particularly at this stage, which is the principles stage, it comes down to something basic. Earlier today, we were talking about rising energy prices and the pressure that that puts on households. The reality is that that pressure has not come out of nowhere, and it is not necessarily new; it has been building for years. What we see now is a slow burn in the cost of living. Added to that are significant global events that, realistically, we, as an Assembly, cannot control but that are certainly making things difficult for families across Northern Ireland. All households are feeling it.”