Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“Potential is not our problem; political attention is. Announcements alone will not change that. Yes, we have seen the growth deal, and we are optimistic, but it is being delivered slowly. We have seen investment frameworks with no subregional targets. Meanwhile, economic inactivity remains high, wages are stagnant and too many young people are leaving the north coast for their futures. <BR /> <BR />East Londonderry has one of the strongest political representations in local government and at Westminster, yet, despite that level of access and influence, our constituency continues to record some of the poorest outcomes in Northern Ireland. It has among the highest inactivity rates and deepest deprivation and some of the lowest pay levels across the region.”
“Until we fix those connections — physical, digital and economic — we will never achieve real regional balance. The issue is not how far we are from Belfast; it is how far decision-making is from everywhere else. <BR /> <BR />The Department for the Economy's subregional economic plan confirms that reality. As Mr Brett said, Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area has one of the lowest shares of good jobs in Northern Ireland and among the lowest median wages. That is not a coincidence; it is the result of years of underinvestment in infrastructure, skills and enterprise. Yet, East Londonderry, like other constituencies, is a place of opportunity, with a world-class university campus; expertise in life sciences; renewable energy potential; thriving small businesses; and the strongest tourism brand across the UK and Ireland.”
“However, like others, I want to speak for the wider north-west and north coast and, indeed, every part of Northern Ireland beyond Belfast, because that is where regional imbalance is felt most sharply. Coleraine, Limavady, Ballykelly, Garvagh and rural communities in between: those are the areas that are often bypassed when investment decisions are made. <BR /> <BR />My constituency of East Londonderry is in a policy blind spot, not because of distance but because of direction. Northern Ireland is a small place. You can travel between its furthest points in two to three hours, so geography is not a barrier; connectivity is. When transport links, digital infrastructure and investment pipelines all flow inward to Belfast, opportunity cannot spread outward.”
“I support the motion, because regional imbalance is one of the most serious barriers to opportunity across Northern Ireland. This summer, a member of the Invest NI board resigned, stating that the organisation was failing to deliver genuine regional balance, particularly for the north-west. That resignation was a clear signal that the problem runs deeper than process or policy; it is a mindset. It is not perception; it is culture. It reflects that decision-making still defaults to Belfast first and everywhere else after, if at all. <BR /> <BR />As others have said, when discussion turns to the north-west, attention often centres on Derry city. I know that those who tabled the motion mean it sincerely and constructively.”
“To go further than what you have said, Minister, I understand that the plans for Birch Hill have been paused, with no date for them to start. How, then, are you increasing capacity in other units, such as the Ross Thomson Unit in Coleraine, given the shortage and the wait lists that exist in those units?”
“I appreciate the Minister's agreement on how important that is for moving forward. We need a tangible plan, however, and we need to recognise that. I think that it was Chris Whitty who said that we need to design our public services to reflect the population that we serve. How are the Executive doing that in particular so that we do not find ourselves in a much worse situation than we are in now?”
“Ruby's law is about recognising that link and saying clearly that abuse in whatever form it takes will not be tolerated and that the justice system will respond to the full reality of coercive control. <BR /> <BR />I urge the Executive, through the Minister of Justice, to bring forward the reform and to engage directly with those who have been campaigning for it. It is a practical and compassionate change that would make a real difference. Northern Ireland should protect the vulnerable in every sense of the word. If we bring in the law, our laws will reflect the realities behind closed doors.”
“Across the UK, police guidance on coercive control already acknowledges threats or harm to pets as a recognised form of abuse. The Republic of Ireland has begun to examine that connection as well. <BR /> <BR />Research has shown that over half of women using refuge services reported harm or threats to their pets as part of domestic abuse. In my constituency, Causeway Coast Dog Rescue has been leading the conversation, not just locally but across the UK, by highlighting the realities and calling for legislative change. Its work has given a voice to victims who have stayed silent out of fear of what would happen to their animals if they left without them.”
“Westminster has already passed the Pet Abduction Act 2024, which recognises animals as sentient beings, rather than mere property, under theft law. That is a significant step forward in how the law views the bond between people and their animals.”
“It would allow our courts to include pets in non-molestation and occupation orders, recognising them as part of the household and ensuring their protection when a person seeks safety. It would also create clearer routes for emergency fostering or temporary care when someone has to leave home urgently. It is not just about animal welfare; it is about human welfare and closing another avenue of coercive control. Where animals are at risk, people are often at risk too, and that link has been proven. <BR /> <BR />In England and Wales, the Ruby's law campaign has already prompted serious consideration of changes to the Family Law Act 1996 to allow courts to protect pets through non-molestation and occupation orders.”
“I rise to speak about the Ruby's law campaign. Ruby's law seeks to close a serious gap in our legal system, one that, too often, leaves victims of domestic abuse facing an impossible choice between their own safety and the safety of their pets. <BR /> <BR />At present, our law treats animals as property. In domestic abuse cases, that means that a pet can be used as a tool of control that can be threatened, harmed or withheld to intimidate a partner to stop them leaving. Those working in the area will tell you that it happens much more often than people realise. Some victims remain in dangerous situations because they fear what will happen to their animals if they leave. Ruby's law would change that.”
“It feels, at times, as though anger has become the default setting in many parts of the world, but anger solves nothing, and violence solves nothing. Politics, for all its frustrations, must always be the alternative to both. We should stand together against intimidation and for democracy, dialogue and decency. We should stand for the idea that change must be achieved through words, not weapons, argument or aggression. That is how we preserve the peace that we fought so hard to build in Northern Ireland.”
“Many people will feel unease that this is happening against a wider backdrop where hostility seems to be rising again, not just here but globally. In recent days, we have seen violence on the international stage, with attacks on places of worship. I wholly condemn the attack on the Manchester synagogue, and my thoughts are with the Jewish community and Manchester. With such acts of aggression against political figures, the tone of public life has become sharper, volatile and, at times, dangerously personal. That matters, because what happens elsewhere always has a way of seeping into Northern Ireland. The language that we use, the behaviour that we tolerate and the boundaries that we set determine the kind of politics that we have at home.”
“Whatever our political differences, we share a common duty to protect the safety of those who serve the public. There can be no place for violence in political life — not here, not anywhere.”
“I add my voice to the condemnation of the incident in Newry. No elected representative, no member of staff and no member of the public should ever face intimidation or threat because of political work that is being done. My thoughts are with Minister Kimmins, Dáire Hughes and the local community for having to endure what happened.”
“I am left wondering what the justification for the ID is, because on no level does it seem like a popular or sensible policy choice. <BR /> <BR />It is not a new idea. Labour pushed ID cards nearly two decades ago and failed, because they were expensive, intrusive and ineffective. Repackaging them in a digital form does not solve those problems; it amplifies them. The question, therefore, is not whether the scheme is workable but why Labour is pursuing it at all. Why prioritise an old, failed policy when health, education and basic public services are in urgent need of investment? There is no clear rationale, no convincing evidence and no public demand.”
“Many older people do not use digital devices, and many rural areas do not have adequate connectivity. The consequence is that those who are most in need of public services will be the very people who are least able to access them. <BR /> <BR />The justification by the Prime Minister does not stand up to scrutiny. He said that the digital ID will help address undocumented migration, but undocumented migrants, by definition, remain outside official systems. They will not register for digital ID; instead, the burden will fall to ordinary citizens who already comply with the law. If someone intends to avoid the system, they will. The policy fails its own test. <BR /> <BR />People want effective border management, fairness and public services that work. They do not want another layer of bureaucracy.”
“What concerns me further is that the proposal fails to take into account the Northern Ireland context that is not only about the constitutional question and people's identity but about the practical realities of living in a part of the United Kingdom that shares a land border with Ireland. The movement of people and services across the border is a daily fact of life, yet the policy reads as though it was designed for England, without thought for how it will work in Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />Beyond that, there are issues that must be recognised. A digital-only identification system risks excluding significant parts of our population. It presumes universal access to smartphones, reliable broadband and digital confidence. Those are not realities in Northern Ireland.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. I hope that you are feeling better. <BR /> <BR />The announcement by the Labour Government of a UK-wide digital ID raises immediate and obvious concerns. A centralised system of that kind concentrates personal data in a way that inevitably increases the risk of government overreach and surveillance. It creates a single target for hackers and comes with enormous cost at a time when our public services are already stretched. <BR /> <BR />I share the criticisms that others have expressed. From listening to everyone's contribution, it is clear that there is unanimous opposition to the proposal in Northern Ireland, which in itself is significant.”
“<BR /> <BR />I support the motion, because it rejects an amnesty, calls for an assurance that any agreement between the Governments will command the broad support of victims and survivors, demands that no side be beyond scrutiny and recognises that grief does not stop with one generation but passes through families and communities across time, which will continue to happen unless we address it. Northern Ireland cannot afford another false start —”
“Like so many families, they have lived with silence when there should have been candour. Their experience reminds us that, unless both Dublin and London face up equally to their responsibilities, legacy will remain unfinished business. Reconciliation requires honesty. It requires both Governments to be open, candid and accountable, not just when it is convenient but when it is uncomfortable. We know that the truth will never be complete and that justice will not always be possible, but it is our duty to go as far as we can and provide the answers where we can. To stop short, because disclosure is politically awkward, would be another betrayal of those who have already borne too much.”
“They had no political interests, no political information and no stake in the battles that consumed this place for too long. They were creating lives, raising families and building happiness for their families and children, yet they were dragged into something that they never should have been involved in. It is the victims and survivors — the ordinary people who never asked to be part of it — who carry those consequences, not the politicians or those who claim to be fighting for a cause. That is why legacy is not a matter of convenience for Governments; it is an obligation to the innocent. <BR /> <BR />Omagh is not the only example. As we have heard from others, the family of Ian Sproule still wait for answers about an intelligence file that was allegedly in IRA hands before his murder.”
“It carries no statutory power, no authority, no powers to compel witnesses and no guarantee that all evidence will be put forward. For the Omagh families, that is not justice; it is delay dressed up as delivery. <BR /> <BR />When we think of Omagh, we think not only of the many lives lost but of the futures that were stolen. Among the victims was Avril Monaghan, who was killed along with her mother, her unborn twins and her daughter, Maura. In that moment, three generations of a family were gone, as was the hope of a new generation, who, had they got to live that day, would never have remembered the Troubles. They would have lived their lives free from the burden of the past, but that never happened, because the atrocity continued. What strikes me most is the innocence of those victims. They were people going about their day.”
“In his response, he spoke about the development of a substantive package, which we have since heard of, with the restoration of civil cases, stronger investigative powers and enhanced cooperation from an Garda Síochána. I welcome those assurances, but words must be backed by enforceable commitments. They cannot remain aspirations. Without statutory powers and the ability to compel witnesses and guarantee disclosures, victims will, once again, be left with promises and without answers. <BR /> <BR />Omagh makes that clear. The bombing was one of the darkest atrocities of the Troubles. Twenty-seven years on, the families are reliving their trauma through an inquiry that they fought for tirelessly, yet the memorandum of understanding with the Irish Government, while presented as progress, is cooperation in name only.”
“<BR /> <BR />From my previous role, I recall sitting with families who had lost loved ones during the Troubles, but what I remember most from those meetings was the look in their eyes. To an extent, the stories that got them to meet me mattered less than the pain that they continued to carry. What also struck me was their determination. They were not asking for miracles; they were asking simply for truth, disclosure and accountability. Almost a decade on from those meetings, many of those families are still asking the same questions. The fact that they must keep telling us shows how far short both Governments have fallen in giving them the answers. <BR /> <BR />I recently wrote to the Taoiseach, Micheál Martin, to press those points.”
“When we debate legacy in the Chamber, it is important that we be reminded that we are not just debating history in the abstract but talking about people: about families who are still living with loss and about communities that are carrying grief that does not fade with time. Some are into their third generation of waiting, but the questions remain the same and the answers have yet to come. The motion rejects amnesty and insists that any future framework command the confidence of victims and survivors. That is 100% right. It matters that it also holds both Governments to account, because, for too long, one Government have been quick to hold up the other to scrutiny while resisting the same scrutiny themselves. Victims see that imbalance, and it deepens the mistrust. If we want legacy to mean anything, we cannot have double standards.”
“I urge the Public Health Agency to take immediate steps to run a public information campaign here, using plain language, community channels, GP surgeries and the local media. Women need to know what cervical screening is and is not for. Awareness is not enough, however. We need better pathways for diagnosis. <BR /> <BR />Finally, we need a women's health strategy in Northern Ireland, because, across these islands, women's health has been an afterthought for too long. Pain is normalised, and symptoms are dismissed, resulting in poor outcomes for women in areas ranging from endometriosis to fertility, from menopause to cancer. Behind every statistic is a woman — a daughter, a mother, a sister or a friend. Some are lucky to still be with us, but others are not, because diagnosis happened too late. Their voices should not be ignored.”
“The five-year survival rate, overall, remains below 45% across the UK. For woman diagnosed at stage 1, survival can be as high as 95%, but for those diagnosed at stage 4, it drops down to 15%. That difference is stark when we consider the consequences of a late diagnosis. Those outcomes are among the worst in Europe, and that is not acceptable. However, it does not have to be inevitable. <BR /> <BR />Other parts of the United Kingdom are beginning to act. For example, in England, cervical screening information states in clear wording that the test does not detect ovarian cancer. Public awareness campaigns have helped to challenge myths and encourage women to see their GP if they notice symptoms. Northern Ireland needs to do the same.”
“Only one in three women here knows that bloating is a symptom of ovarian cancer.”
“That misunderstanding is costing women time and giving them false reassurance, and, when it comes to ovarian cancer, time is everything. <BR /> <BR />Ovarian cancer is often called the "silent killer", because its symptoms are vague and easy to dismiss: bloating, pelvic pain, feeling full quickly and changes in bladder habits, which, to be honest, are an everyday event for women. We are told that those symptoms can be put down to hormones, stress or simply being a woman. Too often, referrals come too late.”
“September is Gynaecological Cancer Awareness Month and is an important opportunity to raise awareness of ovarian, womb, cervical, vulva and vaginal cancers. Those cancers affect thousands of women across the UK and Northern Ireland, yet awareness, detection and outcomes remain poor. In recent weeks, I have received correspondence from constituents and charities raising a specific and concerning issue: the widespread misunderstanding that cervical screening detects ovarian cancer. Nearly half of women in Northern Ireland believe that a smear test will pick up ovarian cancer: that is not true. Cervical cancer screening detects changes in the cervix that could lead to cervical cancer, but it does not test for ovarian cancer or other gynaecological cancers.”
“The fund is welcome. As constituency MLAs, we are asked about that type of funding, which has not seemed to exist until now. My only criticism is that there is probably not enough of it. Maybe the Minister can speak to his Executive colleagues about the need to invest in the fund. <BR /> <BR />I am interested in the partnership with Crowdfunder, and I am keen to understand how it came about. It is innovative and interesting. Is the partnership a formal one, and how are we taking it forward, given that it is a partnership with government?”
“Minister, the substance of what you are asking for is 100%. No one would disagree with more investment — capital and resource funding — in special educational needs. I am, however, curious about how you are asking for the money. You have the great privilege of sitting at the Executive table, where you can ask the Executive parties directly for the funding. Minister, by applying public pressure in the Chamber, are you telling us that those parties have said no to you?”
“Dementia exposes the price of short-term thinking — people suffering at the end of their lives. For the life that they have given us, we owe them more, and, at the very least, we owe them dignity.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Executive cannot continue to firefight their way through the problems. We have been doing that for far too long; trying to keep the lid on issues that have spilled over long ago. We are not even managing that any more. We are struggling, and the people of Northern Ireland know it. Patients know it when they are waiting in pain in A&E for 72 hours. Carers know it when they are exhausted but have no choice but to keep going on their own. Families know it when they lose their loved ones to dementia. Yes, our dementia strategy is far out of date, but the deeper point is that our whole approach in the Executive and Assembly is out of date. We are still reacting instead of planning; we are still patching instead of fixing.”
“During COVID, people with dementia were among the most isolated. Day centres closed, families were cut off and the engagement and stimulation that help to slow decline disappeared overnight. We saw the effects: conditions worsened, decline accelerated and carers were left to cope alone. That experience should have shocked us into action, but here we are, years later, still failing to provide consistent meaningful support. That failure affects more people than those living directly with dementia. When we do not diagnose early or support carers and ignore our ageing population, we create a chain reaction of pressure across the entire health and social care system. It is the child waiting for an assessment and the woman whose gynaecological issues are left untreated: every time we ignore one part of the system, it is carried by another.”
“This month is World Alzheimer's Month, and it gives us a moment to reflect on how Northern Ireland responds to dementia. Unsurprisingly, we are not responding well. More than 22,000 people in Northern Ireland live with dementia today, and, by 2040, in less than a generation, that number will almost double. One third of those affected do not even have a diagnosis. Families are left in limbo and struggling, while their loved one declines before their eyes. That is a daily reality in households across this region. In my constituency, people wait for 15 months or longer — years in many cases — for a memory clinic appointment. That delay not only robs people of treatment but robs a family of their loved one and their dignity in their later years. <BR /> <BR />The pandemic should have taught us a painful lesson.”
“This is an issue that will not be fixed this year or next year, maybe not even in the next 10 years, but we need to start somewhere.”
“<BR /> <BR />We should have published a timetable for waste water upgrades across Lough Neagh and the Bann system, so that we can see what is happening and when. We should expect full transparency on overflows, with proper monitoring and public data, as is the case in other parts of the UK. We need stronger enforcement around septic tanks and industry because they too play their part. We must work in partnership with farmers to support the good practice that many of them have already adopted. We need measures that are practical, understood and fair. Right now, we are at an impasse, and we are doing nothing. That will not fix the Lough Neagh issue, and it is certainly not going to help our farmers. <BR /> <BR />I appeal to Members across the Chamber: let us work together, let us listen to one another and let us not blame.”
“<BR /> <BR />I heard a story about a farmer who took his own life, not necessarily because of this issue but because of the compounding pressures that are being put on farmers, not least by the Labour Government across the water but also by some of the proposals that are being put forward here. That is desperately sad. Farmers must be treated as partners. They want to be listened to, and they want workable measures because, as others have said, they care about the environment. It is part of their job, and it is who they are. If we do not listen to farmers, we will create a new crisis. It may not be for the various Ministers in the Executive, but it is something that we should be concerned about, as farming is our biggest industry in Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />Septic tanks and industry also contribute to the problem, and stronger oversight is needed there too. Agriculture is part of the picture as well. Farmers recognise that nutrient run-off is an issue, and they know that they have a role to play in fixing it. Many of them are taking steps, such as not spreading when rain is forecast, using low-emission spreading equipment and adopting better practices. However, they have told me that they feel blamed, and, sadly, the motion blames them as well. It refers to an earlier motion as "misguided", but it was not; it was a fair reflection of what farmers across Northern Ireland are feeling.”
“<BR /> <BR />As others have said, part of the answer lies in how Northern Ireland Water is funded, because, unlike companies in other regions, it depends on the block grant, so its budget rises and falls with the wider political context and pressures, of which there are many. Households already contribute to their water charges through regional rates, but that money is not ring-fenced in the way that water revenues are in England and Wales. Government must be honest about how we can close that gap. Realistically, it would be difficult to ring-fence that money from the regional rate without consequence, because, if that money is directed into water and waste water, it has to be found elsewhere, or cuts will have to be made. However, if we are serious about fixing the problem, that is a conversation that we cannot avoid.”
“Climate change and invasive species also make the condition worse. <BR /> <BR />Waste water, however, is where the Government must take the lead. The Northern Ireland Audit Office has highlighted that years of underinvestment have left our system under strain. Phosphorus levels in our waters have worsened over the past decade. The Office for Environmental Protection has also warned that Northern Ireland is not on track to meet its water quality obligations, pointing to the lack of pace and urgency in current plans. We can compare that with England, where every storm overflow is now monitored, data is published and regulators can impose penalties, and with the Republic of Ireland, where most urban waste water now has nutrient removal and performance is regularly reported. Northern Ireland, as usual, is behind.”
“Local charities in my constituency, including Sea2it, have found that the blooms make their clean-up work on the Bann more difficult, and many people want reassurance that the water that comes out of their taps is safe to drink. We have been given that reassurance, but public confidence will last only if we see the source of the problem being addressed. <BR /> <BR />We know the sources. Too many nutrients are entering the lough from waste water treatment, septic tanks, industry and agriculture. I agree with Mr McCrossan on his point about the fines. In my constituency, someone was convicted recently of polluting the water. That was the second time, because the fine probably was cheaper than changing the way that he does things. We need to address that. It is not good enough.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, for your grace on the time. <BR /> <BR />We know that Lough Neagh is one of our most important natural assets and that it provides almost half of Northern Ireland's drinking water. It supports wildlife, fishing and farming, and it underpins businesses, tourism and recreation across the region. Although it is inevitable, the return of blue-green algae is deeply concerning. It is about not just the environment but people's daily lives. In my constituency recently, businesses at Benone and Castlerock spoke to customers who are staying away because of the warnings. Families are unsure whether it is safe to swim, bring children to the beach or even let their dogs near the shore in case it poisons them.”
“There is a real opportunity here to support kids, parents and teachers who are asking for that type of support in our schools. Is there anything that you will do to consider that as part of your TransformED programme?”
“Minister, you have set out reforms around curriculum assessment and teacher development, but the glaring omission for me is any sort of programme around life skills, including healthy relationships, consent, mental health, suicide prevention — sadly — and so much more.”
“It is not enough. It is nowhere near enough.”
“I appreciate the Minister's giving way. I am talking about a wider holistic context of outcomes. My points are about the impact on our other public services. More often than not, when we bring issues to Ministers, they say, "I am sorry: it is not in my remit", but, ultimately, it is. My biggest frustration with the Government is that, although you can join the dots of your various working groups, you are not looking at outcomes, ultimately, which is where you need better joined-up working.”
“I have raised many times, including at the beginning of this debate, the issue of second homes and tourists. I understand from responses to Assembly questions that discussion is happening, but what are we really doing? How are we addressing the issue? Ultimately, we have to build more homes, but we can do other things in the meantime. I am keen to hear what the Minister has to say.”