Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“I appreciate that there are issues and that money is tight, but we are doing what we always do in this Government, which is to firefight. If we do not look at this situation and do not have a genuine 10-year plan, we will see those issues impacting on all other areas of society. It is not just about bricks and mortar but about infrastructure. Others spoke to that when talking about the challenges with NI Water and planning. We are setting ourselves up for a fall, and we can already see the cracks starting to appear. <BR /> <BR />I encourage Members to look at this not just as a case of there not being enough roofs over people's heads. It is about the wider system, and housing is a critical part of that. I would like to hear from the Minister about the tangible actions that he has taken.”
“However, it is about recognising the impact that that has. When people are there only in the evenings and at weekends, they do not send their kids to the school or use the public services. Public services are driven by demand, and we can already see that in our schools. Kids are not going to the local schools, because there are no homes in the local area to house them. Families who need their children as carers cannot live close to where their older relatives are, and that has an impact on our health and social care system. <BR /> <BR />We cannot look at this just in terms of there not being enough roofs to go over people's heads; we have to look at the wider system. I am deeply frustrated that this is not a cross-departmental priority.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate the point. We are coming to the point where we will have to consider legislation, given that people are finding themselves without a home. It is particularly critical for older people. Last week, I was dealing with a lady in her 80s who will be evicted at the end of the month but has nowhere to go. It is a failure of this Government and society that we are not addressing such issues. <BR /> <BR />I will come back to the point about holiday lets and holiday homes and talk to the bigger impact that they have. This is not just about having a conversation about having a second home on the north coast, and it is not about telling people that they should not come to what is probably the most beautiful part of Northern Ireland. I understand why they want to do that.”
“It is not because they have done anything wrong but because the landlord can make more money renting it as a holiday home. On the north —.”
“Housing continues to be the most common issue brought to my office by constituents, closely followed by domestic abuse. Sadly, in our siloed government, those two problems are often treated separately. It really is not acceptable for someone who is fleeing domestic violence to find themselves stuck in a hostel or an unsuitable flat for three years, but our office has dealt with such cases. If we want people, especially women and children, to leave abusive situations, we need to provide them with safe, secure and permanent housing. Otherwise, the system is setting them up to go back. <BR /> <BR />We hear not just from victims of abuse but from older people, some of whom are in their 70s and 80s, who have been evicted from homes that they have rented for decades. Why?”
“We need progress before the end of the mandate, because victims cannot afford to wait. <BR /> <BR />Older people are our parents, grandparents and neighbours. They built the communities in which we now live. They deserve dignity, respect and protection. With an ageing population, we cannot ignore the issue. Every policy and public service must start by factoring in what it means to grow older in Northern Ireland, because the problem will only grow unless we act now.”
“<BR /> <BR />I acknowledge the work of organisations such as Hourglass, which was formerly Action on Elder Abuse, Age NI and the Commissioner for Older People. They have consistently raised the issue. It is time for government to listen and take action. We also need to stop treating older victims as somehow different. Abuse is abuse, yet it is often categorised separately as elder abuse, rather than domestic abuse. That affects how cases are handled and victims supported. The Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act (Northern Ireland) 2021 rightly includes financial abuse, but we need to ensure that the Act is being used effectively and that the justice system supports victims from the first report to the final outcome. When are we going to see the adult safeguarding Bill? When will it be published? When will we see the consultation?”
“Around one in five over-60s have experienced it. They might have had their savings stolen, been coerced into legal challenges or made to feel powerless over their own money. The impact is profound, causing anxiety, loneliness, withdrawal and a complete loss of confidence. In rural areas in particular, older people may rely on a very small network. When the abuse is also happening within that network, there is often nowhere to turn. Many suffer in silence, because the alternative, which means being isolated, feels worse. That is why community response is so vital. Local groups, luncheon clubs and charities often spot the signs first. They play a unique role in recognising and responding to abuse in ways that only communities can, but statutory services must also back that up with proper support in health, housing, justice and social care.”
“Mr Speaker, first, I must apologise for not being in my place during Question Time last week. <BR /> <BR />Yesterday, 15 June, marked World Elder Abuse Awareness Day. That is a day on which we are asked not just to recognise elder abuse but to act on it. It is not a hidden issue. It is happening in our homes and communities and, far too often, is carried out by someone whom the older person trusts. Most of the time, that is family. It is a form of domestic abuse. It can take many shapes and is not just physical and emotional but financial. <BR /> <BR />In Northern Ireland, more than 100,000 older people have experienced abuse. Last year alone, over 2,500 domestic or sexual abuse crimes against people aged 55 or over were recorded. That is one in 10 of all such crimes. Financial abuse is especially common.”
“Unionism is often misrepresented as being narrow or outdated. I understand why. That is why I am independent. Many of the largest parties represent conservative views, but that is not the whole story. You can believe in the Union and be progressive. You can support LGBT rights, call out injustice in Gaza or advocate for women's equality and still support remaining in the UK. Many of those who support staying in the Union take a centrist or centre-left view but feel politically homeless. The drop in support for the unionist parties suggests that there is a drop in support for the Union, but that is not the case. That is a shallow argument and one that we need to look at. <BR /> <BR />I will not support the motion not because I do not value cooperation with the EU but because I do not accept the framing that our future is already decided.”
“We are hearing more about momentum than reality, and that often ignores the fact that many who would vote to stay in the Union feel politically unrepresented.”
“A united Ireland is not inevitable; in fact, opinion polls consistently show that we are nowhere near to having a majority in support of constitutional change.”
“That is why I have always taken a pragmatic view of big constitutional shifts, including Brexit. I voted Remain, not because I felt especially European but because I understood how deeply rooted and intertwined our systems had become and how disruptive a Leave vote would be with an open land border. Everything that has happened since has shown how difficult it has been to navigate that. <BR /> <BR />Some say that Brexit has brought us closer to a united Ireland. I argue the opposite: it has shown how disastrous constitutional upheaval can be, and, in Northern Ireland, with our layered identity, law and infrastructure, the consequences would be even more destabilising and far-reaching. What concerns me is how the conversations are increasingly being framed as though they are heading in one direction.”
“Those challenges are not unique to us, but they are perhaps in a more critical state because of years of political instability and dysfunction. However, despite all that, the Union still gives us the means, if properly governed, to protect and improve public services fairly and equitably. Too often, those who call Northern Ireland "a failure" are the people who have held power here for a decade or more. If it is failing, maybe they need to take responsibility for that. It is not a failure of the constitutional framework; it is a failure of government parties to deliver. <BR /> <BR />The tools we are here. We benefit from block grant funding, diplomatic standing and market access as part of one of the world's largest economies. However, those advantages matter only if we have the leadership in the Chamber to turn them into outcomes.”
“The motion goes beyond economic cooperation and uses trade language to advance a constitutional project that points towards Irish unity and EU re-entry. Of course, as a unionist, I cannot support that. What was to be the outcome of the debate? To divide the House? That is disappointing. <BR /> <BR />I fully respect those who hold a view different from mine. Nationalism is a legitimate aspiration, just as unionism is. The agreement did not ask us to abandon those identities; it asked us to express them peacefully and with respect. Of course, we have serious challenges with public services. Health services are under severe pressure; the housing system is stretched beyond breaking point; and our education sector is having to choose between cost and developing our children in the way that we should be.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am a unionist because I believe that the Union gives us the most stable and fair foundation on which to deliver for everyone in Northern Ireland through properly resourced public services and a model that redistributes according to need. That does not make me sectarian or orange, as opposed to green — indeed, I am both and every colour in between — but it makes me focused on how we best meet the needs of the people whom we were elected to represent. <BR /> <BR />I am disappointed by the motion. Those who tabled it will have known that unionists could not support it. In doing so, they have moved away from the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement, which recognises that Northern Ireland's future is a matter for its people. It is not about motions that promote one outcome over another in the Chamber.”
“When I became an MLA, I, like every MLA in the House, was required, under the Northern Ireland Act 1998, to designate as unionist, nationalist or other. I have no difficulty in being honest about a view that I have every right to hold, as provided for in the Good Friday Agreement. In fact, I have a responsibility to take a position, not just because of our past and what we should not go back to but because of our future, in that that choice might one day be put to a referendum. I appreciate that, for many people, constitutional identity is not a daily concern, but, as an elected representative, I know that it shapes how we fund, deliver and improve public services. That would look very different in a united Ireland.”
“I have written to many of your predecessors about a road at Riverside retail park in Coleraine. The issue in that instance is that we cannot ascertain who owns the road, so there is no right of redress. It is getting to the point where the road is becoming unsafe, and I expect that the PSNI might look at closing it. How do we help people in situations where ownership cannot be ascertained?”
“<BR /> <BR />Access to dental treatment should not depend on a person's income. It should be a basic right, not a luxury, and the Assembly has a duty to ensure that right for the people whom we represent.”
“Early and routine dental care reduces the need for complex interventions, improves overall health and takes the pressure off other services. Poor oral health is, as we have heard, linked to heart disease, diabetes and even dementia. It is not just about teeth and a nice smile but about long-term outcomes and the sustainability of our wider health service. <BR /> <BR />Crucially, we need a plan to stabilise and grow the workforce. Morale is really low. Dentists are burnt out, and many are thinking of leaving the profession. We will not have a public health dentistry service unless we make it viable and attractive to stay in. The Minister needs to act now, with a real strategy, so that health service dentistry can again work for patients and for the professionals who provide the care.”
“<BR /> <BR />I have also heard from dentists about serious delays in payments from the Business Services Organisation (BSO). For practices that are already struggling with cash flow, that creates real risk. Some practices have told me that, months later, they still wait to be reimbursed for treatment that they have delivered. Such dysfunction not just puts pressure on staff but undermines the entire viability of health service dentistry. We need the Minister to publish the findings of the general dental services cost-of-service review urgently. We have been waiting for it for far too long. Dentists need clarity, the Department needs evidence, and patients need reassurance that health service care will not keep slipping further out of reach. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, we need to focus on prevention.”
“Untreated dental infections can have consequences for mothers and their babies. That is why access to timely dental care during pregnancy is so important. If, however, they are not registered or their practice has gone private, it is almost impossible for them to be seen. <BR /> <BR />Part of the problem is with the financial model, as we have heard. Dentists are under enormous pressure. They want to treat health service patients, but the fees paid by the Department of Health do not come close to covering the real cost of providing that care. We have to remember that dental practices are small businesses. They have overheads, staff, premises, equipment and tight margins, and, if they cannot make the numbers work, they cannot stay open. They have tried begging the Department of Health, but no help has been forthcoming.”
“It is no longer available in practice, and we have ended up with a two-tier system. If people can afford to pay privately, they will be seen. If they cannot, they will wait, suffer or simply go without. Even for those lucky enough to remain registered with a health service dentist, the idea of routine, six-monthly check-ups is long gone. I have spoken to patients who wait well over a year between appointments, by which time small issues have become serious and early intervention is no longer an option. That is not just inconvenient but clinically dangerous. <BR /> <BR />Oral health problems do not wait, and, for some groups, the risks are even higher. For example, we know that hormonal changes in pregnant women can increase the risk of gum disease and other dental issues.”
“I support the motion and the amendment. Every week, I hear from people who cannot get a dentist, whether they are in pain or are trying just to keep up with routine care. They have been left with nowhere to turn, and the situation is getting worse. Across my constituency and, as we have heard, Northern Ireland, people who had a health service dentist for years are now being told that dentists will no longer accept HSC patients. Some practices have gone fully private, while others have waiting lists with no clear end in sight. The result is that people, particularly older people and those on low incomes, go without basic care. <BR /> <BR />We need to be honest about what has happened. Health service dentistry may still exist on paper, but, for many people in Northern Ireland, it has been privatised.”
“Right now, it feels like we are going round in circles, spending just enough to get through the year but never addressing why we are at breaking point year after year. This is not about criticising individual Departments and their Ministers; it is about the need for genuine structural reform, collective accountability across all Departments and Ministers and a clear, shared purpose that puts people, not process, at the centre of our public services. <BR /> <BR />I know that I say all that in vain. I know that the Budget will pass and that, this time next year, I will be making the same speech. If we do not genuinely change how we do things, we will face the same issues and be making the same points while wondering why nothing has changed.”
“If we are serious about prevention, early intervention and building resilient communities, the community sector must be resourced properly and built into the strategic planning of government, rather than being treated as an afterthought. <BR /> <BR />The public deserve more than a Budget that just scrapes by. They deserve better than underpowered strategies and disconnected spending plans. They are entitled to effective, timely and dignified public services. We cannot allow mediocrity to become the standard. Without reform, however, that is exactly where we are heading. Yes, we need to keep the wheels turning for everyday public services, but we also need to be honest about where we are going.”
“Crucially, it means recognising the role of the community and voluntary sector, which does a huge amount of the heavy lifting in Northern Ireland. In every part of our region, community organisations deliver front-line support, often with limited and insecure funding. They pick up the pieces where statutory services fall short. They know their communities and innovate out of necessity, yet their role is seen as optional and something to be funded, "If we can", when, in reality, they are essential partners in delivering public services and achieving social outcomes. It is not acceptable, sustainable or fair to expect the community sector to plug the gaps indefinitely.”
“We talk about power-sharing, but, in practice, it is shared-out government, with Departments pulling in different directions, Ministers protecting their silos and little incentive or pressure to genuinely collaborate. Transformation will not happen unless we govern differently. That means embedding an outcomes-based model that holds Departments to account not just for what they spend but for what they deliver. It means designing services around people, not structures. It means working across portfolios to tackle the complex interconnected issues that do not fit neatly into one Department, such as health inequalities, educational underachievement and economic inactivity, for which three things alone we need Departments.”
“We — the Government that I was a part of — started doing that in 2016, but then that Government collapsed for three years. We should not underestimate the problems that we see in our public services from not having government for a sustained period. We are not, however, seeing any evidence of that shift. Although the funding that is set aside for transformation is welcome, it feels like an afterthought. It is fragmented and lacks coherence. We have heard little about where it is going, what it is achieving or how it fits into any wider plan. If there is a long-term vision for transforming public services, it certainly is not being communicated — maybe this Government just do not know how to do that. <BR /> <BR />The Budget shows once again the limits of our system of governance.”
“Firefighting, reacting and surviving are necessary to keep services going, but transforming is about turning off the tap to a sink that we are trying to empty. <BR /> <BR />All of that comes not just at a financial cost but at a human cost. It is a cost paid by the people whom we represent in longer waiting times, reduced access, poor outcomes and greater inequality. Those are consequences of a system that is out of step with the people whom it is meant to serve. We are told that there is no bottomless pit of money — we have heard that from a number of Ministers today — but that makes it all the more important that we start spending our money wisely. We need to think upstream. We need to shift our mindset from one of short-term crisis management to one of long-term investment in prevention and better outcomes.”
“The Budget is more of the same that I have seen in my 11 years as an MLA, only with tighter margins and bigger consequences. Of course, there is a job to be done in keeping services ticking over. People still need hospital appointments, classrooms still need teachers, and the police still need to be on our streets. I do not underestimate the challenge of delivering day-to-day services with a limited budget. However, if all that we are doing is keeping things ticking over, we will never fix what is broken. We are haemorrhaging money while trying to keep a lid on a system that cracked years ago. We are firefighting, not reforming; reacting, not planning; and surviving, not transforming.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer. I think that it was his predecessor who anticipated that it would require new legislation. Do we anticipate that legislation being in place before the end of the mandate?”
“Thank you, Minister. I appreciate that response. Does that include potentially looking at having a new facility on the Causeway coast? Obviously, that would have to come with capital funding.”
“Minister, there has been a decades-long failure of your Department to workforce plan in primary care. Demand far outstrips supply, and GPs are under considerable pressures. It is not one or two GP surgeries; it is every surgery across Northern Ireland, which means that it is a systemic issue. How are you increasing capacity in the community, including in dental, pharmacy and audiology services, because there are major problems there and they are coming down the line?”
“I appreciate that: that is new information. The Minister will be conscious that the delay in announcing the new school site will have an impact on people applying for the new Causeway Academy and we need that reassurance as soon as possible. Does he have a timeline for when we can expect that answer?”
“Mega-clinics, elective care centres and the new delivery unit all show promise, but they must be expanded and embedded as part of systemic change, not a pilot project that comes and goes as funding comes and goes. <BR /> <BR />Let us also be honest about the need for sustained multi-year investment, not just headline announcements, because reform will succeed only if it is resourced, strategic and focused on patient outcomes. The motion asks us to step up not just as politicians but as people who are entrusted with the care of our communities. We must fix this, and we can fix it this.”
“The weight of anxiety was palpable. That is why the debate matters: it is not just about capacity but fairness. It is about the emotional toll of delay. It is about ensuring that no woman — no patient — is left sitting for weeks or months without answers, especially when we can do better. As public servants, we can do better. <BR /> <BR />I welcome the regional breast assessment list. It is a vital step towards ending that postcode-based inequality. It makes sense. Why it has not been in place before now is baffling. I welcome the £215 million that has been allocated for the waiting list work. I support the call for it to be ring-fenced and applied in a way that genuinely increases short-term capacity and long-term reform. The issue will repeat itself in 10 years if we do not do as the amendment says and have multi-year budgets.”
“Thankfully, my result showed that it was just benign breast tissue. However, for 12 weeks, I, like so many others, sat with uncertainty. I was as sick as a dog. Every time I showered, I felt the lump. Right now, too many people across Northern Ireland recognise that fear and that awful question hanging in the air. <BR /> <BR />When I was finally seen — on a Sunday, thanks to additional clinic capacity — the service was outstanding: a one-stop shop where, if I had needed a biopsy, I would have got it that day. The staff were compassionate. The system was efficient. All of that should be the norm, not the exception. What really struck me most was the waiting room. It was packed with women of all ages, backgrounds and ethnicities. Some were sitting on their own. Some were holding hands. All were waiting in silence.”
“I recently found a lump and, like many women, was red-flagged. That should have meant getting an appointment within two weeks, but I waited 12 weeks. Had I lived just a few miles away in another trust area, I would likely have been seen much sooner. That postcode lottery is as real as it is unfair.”
“I support the motion and the amendment. I commend the motion's sponsors, because these are the issues that the House needs to talk about. Our role as public representatives is to improve public services, and we could certainly do better in this area. <BR /> <BR />The state of cancer waiting times in Northern Ireland is not only unacceptable but deeply unjust. In Women's Health Month, I want to talk about breast cancer waiting times. We have heard that fewer than one in three patients referred urgently for suspected breast cancer were seen within the 14-day target. Just over one third of patients referred with suspected cancer began treatment within 62 days. Those are not just missed targets; they are missed chances to intervene, reassure and save lives. I know what it feels like.”
“On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. Will you confirm that the facilities in Parliament Buildings are the responsibility of the Assembly Commission, with all five political parties represented on it? Has the current policy, which was outlined by Mr Gaston, been challenged by any of the five political parties on the Assembly Commission?”
“We must acknowledge the toll that fertility struggles take — the stress, isolation and anxiety that touch every part of life — yet support is limited, and counselling is inconsistent. To make matters worse, many women are excluded by rigid criteria, including strict age and BMI limits or just because their partner has children from a previous relationship. Those rules do not affect real lives, and they disproportionately affect women who are already navigating a difficult journey. <BR /> <BR />I acknowledge those going through this quietly, under pressure and, often, with little support. They should not be left behind. Northern Ireland must implement the three-cycle commitment. We must modernise the criteria and treat fertility as a central part of women's health and well-being, because that is exactly what it is.”
“The regional fertility centre in Belfast, which is our only NHS IVF provider, is only now contacting women who were added to the list in October 2022. That is a delay of over a year. During that time, some have lost eligibility, not because of medical reasons but because the system is too slow. The window for success is narrow. A delay of days or even hours can make a real difference. Some couples now choose to travel abroad, taking on financial pressures that they simply cannot afford, just to have the family that they long for. Every IVF cycle carries enormous emotional weight. When it does not work, as is often the case, the grief is profound. <BR /> <BR />This week is also Mental Health Awareness Week.”
“May is Women's Health Month. For many women and couples in Northern Ireland, the journey to parenthood is not straightforward; it is shaped by uncertainty, emotional strain and, too often, disappointment. Fertility treatment offers a real chance, but here that chance is more limited than it should be. We are falling behind the rest of the United Kingdom. While others offer three publicly funded IVF cycles, we still offer just one. The commitment to expand access was made years ago, but it has not been delivered, and every month of delay matters. <BR /> <BR />IVF is physically and emotionally demanding. Critically, it is time-sensitive. Women spend so long on waiting lists that, by the time they reach treatment, they no longer meet the age criteria.”
“Minister, will you confirm that yours is the sponsoring Department for the legislation that governs council enforcement, and so, if that enforcement is not working, you have the opportunity, potentially, to review or change the legislation?”
“We have seen the same lack of enforcement and oversight in cases of illegal breeding, with reports of dogs being shot when they are no longer profitable. That is cruelty, and it happens in the absence of proper regulation. If we want to close the door on that kind of abuse, we need to start by fixing what is happening in our public systems. <BR /> <BR />Animal welfare should not depend on where you live or which council you fall under. The current system is too fragmented, too under-resourced and too far removed from the standards that people rightly expect. We should ensure that no healthy dog is destroyed simply because the system ran out of time, space or options. We need accountability and policy that is finely aligned with public expectation as well as our standards in animal welfare. <BR /> <BR />I support the motion.”
“Those are not difficult tasks; they are the basic foundation of an appropriate and responsible animal welfare system. <BR /> <BR />I will not support the amendment, because it appears to shield the Minister from criticism. That should not be our priority. We need to be honest and, at Question Time, the Minister said that he was an honest Minister. I appreciate the work that is being done and the proposals that he is making to try to progress animal welfare, but this issue, which is specific to councils, is being overlooked again. The amendment takes councils out of it, as other Members have said. While we debate, healthy animals are being put down because the structures to protect them do not exist. We cannot delay action on this any longer. The issue does not stand alone.”
“At times, it feels as though the status quo is being tolerated, despite the clear evidence that it is not working. That approach fails animals and the public, who expect better. The idea that a healthy dog can be euthanised after only five days simply because no one came to claim it is hard to justify. Euthanasia should never be routine. It should be a last resort, only used when there are serious health or behavioural risks. That is not what is happening in parts of this system. <BR /> <BR />The motion sets out practical, reasonable proposals: a consistent approach across all councils, mandatory licensing and inspections, proper data collection and transparency, and a review of policies that permit the destruction of healthy animals.”
“In my constituency, Causeway Coast Dog Rescue does the kind of work that people expect the councils to do, responding to welfare concerns, taking in vulnerable dogs and helping to rehome them. However, it is a voluntary group, with no statutory powers and even fewer resources. That is not sustainable and, frankly, not fair. There is no consistent policy on rehoming, no mandatory licensing of pounds, no requirement for unannounced inspections and no public reporting of euthanasia rates or rehoming outcomes. Furthermore, there is no meaningful oversight from the Department. That is a systemic failure, because it allows poor practice to continue unchecked. <BR /> <BR />This is not a new issue. I have raised concerns about the system repeatedly over the years, but the Department has shown little urgency in addressing it.”
“<BR /> <BR />Constituents contact me regularly with concerns about animals that they believe are being neglected or mistreated, and, too often, they feel that those concerns go nowhere. They report issues, they expect action and they hear nothing back. There is a real sense of helplessness, and I share that frustration. In too many cases, even where there is clear evidence of suffering, the response is slow or, worse, does not happen. Often, the animal welfare officer will say that the legislation is not strong enough for them to take appropriate action. <BR /> <BR />When the public services do not step in, it is often the community organisations that fill the gap.”