Claire Sugden
East Londonderry · Independent · Northern Ireland
“That is, gosh, almost 35 years ago, yet we are still having the conversation in 2026. If I were to speak to that eight-year-old girl, I would tell her, "When you are 40, Claire, this will not even be a consideration for you". Sadly, however, it still is. It is deeply disappointing that, when we had an opportunity, it was not taken.”
“Indeed, I tabled an amendment to that Bill to achieve the desired outcome, but, sadly, the opportunity was not taken. One of the strengths of the Assembly is that Committees can identify where Executive legislation has fallen short and produce their own practical, targeted solutions.”
“Frankly, we should be listening. Sometimes, we talk about equality in broad terms, but the Bill reminds us that equality is often about practical things. It is about removing unnecessary barriers from everyday life and ensuring that opportunities and choices do not depend on arbitrary differences between schools.”
“That is ridiculous. The point that we should all pay attention to is that of girls feeling less exposed. We should focus on that even if there were no other reasons to pass the legislation. Girls simply want to get on with their school day without having to think about something that most boys take for granted.”
“That meeting was a reminder that issues that can appear small to adults — there have been adults who have asked why the Assembly is legislating on this — can be issues on which we need to legislate. When people do not behave appropriately, we as a legislature have a responsibility to legislate.”
“Around one in seven couples in Northern Ireland experiences fertility problems, yet Northern Ireland continues to offer one of the most limited publicly funded fertility services anywhere in the United Kingdom. Couples face lengthy waits, restricted eligibility criteria and fewer publicly funded IVF opportunities than elsewhere.”
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“Minister, unadopted developments and roads are a long-standing issue. It is long past time that we just review it: we need to take action on it. Do you agree that we need more government intervention and possibly new legislation? People are unable to sell their homes, and damage is being caused to cars. It is not enough to keep it under review any more. We need to take firm action, and you are the Minister who can do that.”
“Success like that does not just happen by accident; it is supported by the right opportunities, the right investment and the right encouragement at the right time. If we are serious about building on it, it needs to be reflected in how we think about sport, facilities and the access that we give to young people so they can see the future that Rory saw for himself. We have the talent, the people and the potential, and we should be a bit more confident about saying that. <BR /> <BR />Congratulations to Rory McIlroy for everything that he has achieved and will undoubtedly achieve in the future, but let us also recognise what it represents: a Northern Ireland that is capable, ambitious and that, when given the opportunity, can stand alongside the best in the world.”
“Coleraine Ladies Hockey Club just won the Senior Cup championship, and that is not insignificant because it shows the strength of local clubs, the role of volunteers and the commitment of the players who give their time week in, week out. The foundations matter because that is where confidence is built and talent is nurtured. <BR /> <BR />We spend a lot of time in the Chamber talking about what is not working, and it is our job to do so, but it is not the full story of Northern Ireland. There is another story of ability, ambition and achievement. Too often, Northern Ireland is talked down; too often, the focus is only on the challenges, but these moments remind us that we are capable of far more. We are not just getting by; we are succeeding, and we are doing it on a global stage. However, what do we do with that?”
“Like others, I recognise Rory's extraordinary achievement in a consecutive Masters win. It is no small thing; it is sustained excellence on one of the world's biggest stages in sport. It is something that we in Northern Ireland can all be incredibly proud of because that is what we do: we consistently produce people who compete at the very highest levels and succeed. For a small place, we do more than hold our own, and it is often said that we punch well above our weight. It is not just in golf; it is right across sports and communities. In my constituency, Olympic champion Hannah Scott will be awarded the freedom of the borough this weekend, which reflects not just her success but the hard work and determination behind it and the example that she has set for others. We also see success at the grassroots level.”
“If we do not do those things, we will continue as we are: drifting, reacting and spending more money without delivering the outcomes that people expect and elect us to deliver. That, more than anywhere else, is where the real inefficiency lies.”
“There are organisations and statutory bodies that exist to provide expertise, oversight and advice, yet their work is too often not acted on. If we establish bodies but fail to listen to them — and we do; we fail to engage with them — or to act on their recommendations, of course they will be seen as inefficient. The issue in such cases is not those bodies' existence but our response, as elected representatives, to them. <BR /> <BR />Yes, we should tackle waste and improve efficiency, but, if we focus on structures or reducing spend in isolation, we will miss our bigger problem. Efficiency is not just about spending less; it is about doing things properly in the first place. It is about planning ahead, following through on decisions and aligning our services with the needs that we know are coming.”
“There is a legitimate conversation to be had about structures. We should challenge duplication and question whether bodies deliver value, but it cannot simply be about reducing numbers. The existence of an arm's-length body should be determined by need and by the value that it delivers. In some cases, that might mean reform; in others, it might mean recognising gaps. For example, there is a strong case to have a commissioner focused on women, not for the sake of creating another structure but because we do not adequately address issues that disproportionately affect women, whether in respect of health, safety or opportunity. That is about need and outcomes. <BR /> <BR />We have to be honest about how we treat the structures that we already have.”
“We see the same pattern in workforce planning. The pressure on GP services, for example, is not simply about demand; it also reflects a failure to plan for that demand. We know that our population is an ageing one and that need is increasing, yet we have not matched need with the workforce required to satisfy it. The result is that people cannot access care when they need it. Pressure builds across the system, and the cost to services and individuals increases. That is inefficiency. Inefficiency is not confined to one service; it is a pattern. If we do not plan ahead, invest early and act on the strategies that we regularly produce, we will continue to spend more while delivering less. That is the deeper issue that the debate needs to address.”
“In Northern Ireland, inefficiency is not just technical but systemic. We have prolonged periods without a functioning Executive. With the Government down for years at a time, momentum is lost, decisions are delayed and reform is stalled. When things restart, we often do not move forward but instead pick up from where we left off or, worse, start again. That leads to drift, and that drift is our inefficiency. We also see it in how we plan or, more accurately, in how we fail to follow through on our plans. We talk about strategy. We produce action plans, but, too often, delivery does not follow. Only last week, I brought a motion to the House on a women's health strategy. There was talk of an action plan, yet we have waited two years only to see nothing happen. <BR /> <BR />There is not a lack of planning but a lack of delivery.”
“It is difficult to oppose in principle a motion on government inefficiency. There is inefficiency in how we operate, and that needs to be addressed. We duplicate, delay and, too often, revisit the same issues without ever properly resolving them. The Audit Office has highlighted real problems from workforce planning to the delivery of major projects, and those problems affect not just public finances but public confidence. What is particularly frustrating is that much of this is not new. We have had such conversations many times. We have had reports, recommendations and strategies over a number of years that point to the same issues, yet progress has been slow and, in some cases, very limited. <BR /> <BR />If we are serious about tackling inefficiency, we have to be honest about why it exists here.”
“I am therefore content to support the Bill's passing Second Stage.”
“At the same time, we need to be careful, because support in one area cannot come at the expense of creating pressure somewhere else. Support has to be fair across the sector, workable in practice and sustainable in the long term. Those are not reasons to reject the idea but, rather, to get it right. We can do that during the Bill's next legislative stages. The worst outcome would be to ignore the problem entirely. We have a choice in the Chamber either to ignore the problem or to address it in a way that potentially creates a solution for farmers. <BR /> <BR />The Bill is an attempt to respond to a real and growing issue. It reflects the reality of farming in constrained areas. It reflects the pressures that those farmers are facing. It reflects the need to look again at whether our current approach is enough. I do not believe that it is.”
“That does not mean ignoring the difficult questions, however. Rather, it means dealing with them properly and having the big conversation about funding. Someone suggested that around £11 million is required. That is not a small figure, but, in the context of our overall public spending, it is not beyond consideration either, particularly given the consequences that we are witnessing. We are not just about the bottom line but about services for the public. That needs to be included in the conversation as well. <BR /> <BR />As I said, we need to consider the cost of inaction and of the continued decline in livestock numbers. What is the cost if land falls out of active management? What is the cost to rural communities if farms become unsustainable? Those are real costs, and they do not always fit in a neat budget line.”
“It does not answer every question about eligibility or design and does not resolve the funding issue, but it sets out a clear principle, which, at this stage — Second Stage — is what it is about: farmers operating in areas of natural constraint should have access to targeted support. That, essentially, is what we are agreeing on today. Do we want to support farmers who struggle because of the land that they farm? I think that the answer is yes. If we vote otherwise, what are we saying?”
“I appreciate that we are talking about this in the context of the current Budget, but, by the time that this becomes law and is implemented, we will be into a new mandate, and there will be a new Executive with their own priorities. This is about trying to set the direction of travel to support those who most need it. <BR /> <BR />The case for support is also being made by farmers. I understand the argument that targeted support should be considered again, and it is important to be clear about what the Bill does. It does not set out every detail of the future scheme, as others have alluded to.”
“We can then assess the feedback and see whether we want to take the Bill through every stage. I do not really understand the point of shutting it down at the principle stage. <BR /> <BR />I understand why the Bill has been introduced. It is not just because of the points that the Member has put across; it is because farmers tell us that they need something. We have an opportunity to support them. It is not insurmountable, because such support has existed before. If the only reason that we did not have it before is cost, we need to look at our other budgeting and costs throughout government and see where things are strategic and viable. When it comes to this issue, there has proven to be a need, and I certainly encourage the Minister and his successors — we do not know who they will be — to look at the issue.”
“Absolutely, because, as I outlined, we will lose skills, lose that land and have fires. We already see the consequences of doing nothing playing out. This private Member's Bill has come about as a result of need. It does not exist just because of the Member's whims, or I certainly hope not. It comes from the needs of farmers and the pressures that they face. It is our job, as the Assembly and the institutions of Northern Ireland, to respond to that. It is a fair ask, and it is disappointing that there are some in the House who will not even let it get to the exploration stage at Committee and to Consideration Stage. That is what this process is about. It puts the issue into the public conversation and allows the public to grasp what needs to happen.”
“There are clear gaps in the current support structures for upland and constrained land farming. Therefore, the question is not about whether those earlier concerns existed; it is about whether, in the current context, doing nothing is still the right approach, because, as we see, doing nothing has consequences, too. Other Members have talked about that in other aspects of farming.”
“I am not naive enough to think that that money exists, but we need to find the money, which we will do by investing to save and making efficiencies. The next debate is about inefficiencies in government: we need to look at that seriously and start to put our money where it will have real value. <BR /> <BR />As others have said, no policy should set one group of farmers against another, undermine confidence in the wider support framework or create new problems while trying to solve an existing one. We have seen that happen since the support was removed a number of years ago. However, we also have to be honest about what has happened since. The context today is different from that when we previously talked about the issue. Costs have increased, and returns, particularly in sectors such as sheep farming, have not kept pace.”
“When that activity declines, there are consequences, as we have seen in recent years, for how the land behaves. The issue also matters for economic, social and environmental reasons. <BR /> <BR />The debate sits in a clear context. Support for areas of natural constraint is not new; it has existed before. It was removed for reasons that were set out at the time. I do not particularly understand those reasons, but they were to do with funding and the impact that redistributing support would have across the wider sector. I appreciate that margins and budgets are tight, but the Government need to do more than just meet their bottom line. They need to recognise that they are there to serve the public, and farming is a big part of that. As I set out, it is a big part of our agriculture.”
“Farms in such areas are often central to local economic activity, so, when they come under strain and pressure, it impacts not just on the farm business but on the wider network of suppliers, services and families who depend on it. <BR /> <BR />There is a longer-term risk that we should not ignore. If farming becomes unviable in those areas, land will not simply pause and wait. We risk gradual withdrawal, the loss of livestock, the loss of skills and knowledge over time and a shift in how that land is used or, in some cases, not used. Once that happens, it is difficult to reverse. There is also a land management dimension. Active grazing plays a role in maintaining upland landscapes. It helps to manage vegetation and contributes to keeping land in a condition that is workable, productive and balanced.”
“Livestock numbers are declining, and, in some cases, tightening margins are no longer sustainable. We see that. I am not a farmer, but I can see that. When that pressure builds, it does not stay contained within individual farms. As I said, it affects the wider agricultural system, and, in Northern Ireland, that means that it affects Northern Ireland. Upland farms feed on lowland production. They supply breeding and finishing stock and support the red meat sector as a whole. When activity reduces at the top of the chain, the effects are felt further down. It also affects rural communities. How often do we hear about the pressures that face rural communities? I live in a rural community and see the pressures every day.”
“Therefore, when we talk about support, we are not talking about propping up inefficiency; we are talking about recognising a structural reality. Once you accept that, the question that we pose today becomes straightforward. We recognise that some land is harder to farm than other land. Should there be targeted support to reflect that? In a region of the United Kingdom where agriculture is one of the main industries, that is a valid question. There is a strong case, given that the pressures in those areas are not theoretical but are being felt. They are being felt on the land, as it is worked every day, and they are being felt as people try to put food on the table. Those pressures are being felt by people in their day-to-day lives. <BR /> <BR />Hill farmers and sheep farmers are under particular strain.”
“I support the Second Stage of the Bill, primarily because it speaks directly to a large part of my East Londonderry constituency. Just over half of the land in my constituency is classified as being within an area with natural constraints. That means that a significant number of farms operate on land that is inherently more difficult to work, costlier to maintain and, in many cases, less productive. That is through no fault of the farmer, which, for me, is the core of the debate. Those farms are not struggling because of poor management or lack of effort; they are struggling because of natural limits such as poor soil, steep ground, shorter growing seasons and longer winters that shape what is possible on that land.”
“Thank you, Minister. Given how volatile oil prices can be and given Northern Ireland's particular reliance on the oil market, are you exploring the opportunities within your remit for regulating the market in Northern Ireland, and have you spoken to the UK Government about a potential price cap?”
“I accept that prevention is harder to measure, because you cannot count the crime that did not happen, but that is exactly the point, because, if we continue to measure success only by how we respond after the fact, we will be standing here, after the next tragedy, saying the same things. <BR /> <BR />We have a severe problem of violence against women and girls in Northern Ireland. The question is whether we are prepared to act on that knowledge at the point at which it is most meaningful. Thank you.”
“However, our response is still weighted towards the point at which things have already gone wrong. Justice steps in after the crime, and health services respond to trauma, addiction and mental health issues once they have already taken hold. That is not prevention. <BR /> <BR />If we are serious about reducing violence, we have to be serious about where it starts. That means properly resourcing early intervention; equipping parents; ensuring that education is doing more to teach about healthy relationships and emotional resilience; and recognising the role of trauma and addressing it before it manifests as harm.”
“They can show up in different ways. At one end, it is the objectification and devaluing of women, and, at the other, it is violence and, in the worst cases, murder. That does not just destroy the lives of victims; it devastates families, traumatises communities and, ultimately, ruins the lives of the perpetrators. <BR /> <BR />We can see those attitudes being reinforced in parts of our culture and online spaces with the like of harmful messages about women and relationships being amplified and normalised. However, it does not begin there; it begins much earlier. It begins in how children are raised; what they see; what they hear; and what they learn about respect, relationships and boundaries. It begins in our homes, schools and how we support families.”
“Thank you, Mr Speaker, and thank you for your kind comments to me and your subsequent comments about domestic abuse. Another woman has lost her life in Northern Ireland. The uncomfortable truth is that none of us can say that we are surprised. I offer my sincere condolences to the families of Amy Doherty and Ellie Flanagan. Their loss is unimaginable, and, sadly, two beautiful babies have lost the most important person in their life. <BR /> <BR />We have a strategy to tackle violence against women and girls. We accept that the issue is complex and that it will not be fixed overnight, but we have to ask — honestly and directly — what is changing. What we are seeing suggests that not enough is changing. We are still not prepared to confront clearly enough what is at the heart of this: misogyny, male aggression and the normalisation of both.”
“<BR /> <BR />I could talk about women's health all day. We should continue to talk about it. If this debate happens again in a number of months, that will be important. Until we see action and get to a point where we start to serve half the population in the way that we are here to do, we need to keep talking.”
“We need to support women who are past the point of menopause, and we can forget that, even in this debate. Over the past year, I have worked on the issue of osteoporosis. Our services are shockingly bad. I have challenged the Minister about his approach to osteoporosis, because we are not providing a service to most of the people who have osteoporosis, who are mainly older women. To me, that is an equality issue. <BR /> <BR />Linda Dillon said that people are needlessly dying, and that is sad and shameful. It comes back to the point that we should not assume that women's health is just about gynaecology, pregnancy and menopause. It is also about all the health problems that men also suffer from, but women do not get the support that they need, because the services were designed by men.”
“It is inconceivable that a mother would be separated from her baby, particularly at a traumatic time. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate that Members have raised issues, and we could talk all day about those issues, but we should not do that: we should just get the work done. When the Health Minister comes back, we should follow up with him to ensure that the work happens, and we should hold him and his predecessor to account for the promises that they have made. <BR /> <BR />The motion refers to the stakeholders and the people whom the issue affects. I appreciate the women's group in Derry that looked at the issues. It will form part of the women's action plan, but, again, we need to talk to girls, mothers, perimenopausal women, menopausal women and older women.”
“Many Members will have constituents who have suffered with that, and the issue will come and go and be resolved, but the pain that those women suffer because of scar tissue and other problems will not. We are not giving the issue the attention that it needs, certainly not the follow-up issue, particularly if those women are stuck on waiting lists like everyone else. <BR /> <BR />Endometriosis was mentioned a lot. Diane Dodds talked about women having to wait 10 years, which is extraordinary. Endometriosis is incredibly painful, and it is not just young women who suffer from it but women of all ages up to menopausal age. What are we doing if we are not supporting the people who need the health service? <BR /> <BR />The mother-and-baby unit is another issue that has rumbled on, and that is not acceptable.”
“Given the disparities in women's health outcomes and access to services that we have discussed today, it is entirely reasonable to ask whether the current approach meets our obligations. I appreciate that other Members have talked to that, and Nuala McAllister gave an example about the treatment of vasectomy versus childbirth. After I had my daughter, my husband was not allowed to visit me. I had to care for the newborn baby even though I might have had only half an hour's sleep, yet we recommend that men put their feet up. Absolutely, they should do that, but, when you have given birth, you need that and more. <BR /> <BR />I will reference some of the contributions. Órlaithí Flynn talked about transvaginal mesh, and that issue has rumbled on for such a long time.”
“The other important point that I wanted to include in the motion is that we should consider whether the current system meets our equality obligations under section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act. Section 75 requires public authorities to have:”
“As I said, the acknowledgement is important; however, acknowledging the issue and addressing it are not the same thing. <BR /> <BR />The Minister's letter to me also referred to the women's health action plan and the development of a strategic framework, yet the progress remains unclear, as other Members have said. I do not sit on the Health Committee, but I imagine that those who do are not aware of the progress that has been made either. What funding has been attached to the work? To be honest, none of the work will progress if there is no money. Crucially, what is the timeline? That is why the motion calls for clarity and asks for:”
“It is important to have this conversation to put pressure on the Minister and the wider Northern Ireland Executive: they all sit around the Executive table, and they could be having these conversations. <BR /> <BR />However, to be fair to the Minister, in anticipation of this debate, he wrote to me last week to say that he would not be available because he is in Washington today. He acknowledged many of the issues that Members have raised. He referenced disparities in women's health outcomes, pressures on services and the need to improve support across a range of areas, including menopause, endometriosis and perinatal mental health.”
“I appreciate that point, and it is important that we put those things on record and do not let the mistakes of the past be repeated. That is what we are at risk of doing if we do not take this issue seriously. <BR /> <BR />Having sat in the Chamber for nearly 12 years, I know that we regularly hear about these issues, but nothing changes. The motion is about not just the document but its measures being costed, transparency and holding the Minister to account on what, ultimately, is his responsibility. I have no doubt that we will not get this strategy within 12 months. I put that ask out there because I do not think it unreasonable to expect it. I was a Minister in Government, and I know that, if the Health Minister wanted to do this, he could. It could be done very quickly: Ministers certainly do things when it suits them.”
“We cannot consider each stage of a woman's life separately: it flows because of our hormones and because what happens to us at 16 affects what happens to us at 39, 49 and 59. That is why this is so important, why every other jurisdiction on these islands has done something about it, and we why we are failing by not doing something about it.”
“At age 16, women are offered a contraceptive called Depo-Provera, which weakens bone health. At that age, they are given something that, when they reach 70 or 80 years of age, will have a detrimental impact on their life. At 16 years old, they do not get to have those conversations about what might happen later in life. That is why a women's health strategy is important. What we do at 16 has an impact later in life. At my age — 39 — I think that some of the decisions that I made at 16, 17 or 18 might have been different had I been given information that I was not given at those ages. <BR /> <BR />I cannot stress the importance of looking at a strategy as being not just a shiny document but a method for women's health.”
“<BR /> <BR />I appreciate that the Minister is not here: I considered not moving the motion, but, as an independent Member, I only get two shots at a motion in a mandate. I thought that it would be good to at least put the issues on record and follow-up where we need to. The Minister anticipated that he would not be here. He wrote to me, and I will talk to what he said in his letter. His party colleague Alan Chambers represented some of what he might have said, such as that we do not need shiny documents or strategies. The purpose of a strategy is to join the dots, to look at the issue in a way that will save our health system some money and ensure that the life course of women is much more the way that it needs to be. <BR /> <BR />I will give you an example.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I really appreciate everyone's contribution to the debate. I am heartened by the number of contributions from around the Chamber and the different perspectives, particularly those from many of the male contributors. I am particularly heartened by Timothy's contribution. The analogy that he drew with the 15-mile queue is quite sobering. If any of us were to stand in a queue of even half that length, we would raise questions about it. What is happening in Northern Ireland on women's health is shameful. Sadly, it is not a new issue. As Members have said, the issue was raised two years ago, and here we are, two years later, with promises of a women's action plan, not necessarily a women's health strategy, despite other jurisdictions in the UK and Ireland having one.”
“Given the disparities that we see in women's health outcomes and access to services, we all need to ask that question. <BR /> <BR />Women's health is not a niche issue. It affects half the population at every stage of life. If we want a health system that truly works for everyone, women's health cannot remain an afterthought; it must be considered strategically across the life course and the entire health system. For those reasons, I commend my motion to the House.”
“Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act requires public authorities to:”
“England, Scotland, Wales and the Republic of Ireland have all developed dedicated women's health strategies or action plans designed to address the gender health gap and ensure that women's health is properly considered across the life course. Northern Ireland is developing work in that area, including the women's health action plan and the Minister's commitment to producing a strategic framework. Those steps are welcome, but individual initiatives are not the same as a fully developed and coordinated strategy. Northern Ireland still lacks a clear approach that connects prevention, diagnosis, treatment and support across the life course and that provides transparency about delivery, funding and outcomes. It is also reasonable to ask whether the current system is meeting our equality obligations.”
“That is extraordinary. Although every woman will experience it in their lifetime, they cannot access those services through primary care. We need to change that as a minimum, if not have something wider via a public health strategy. <BR /> <BR />Primary care is the front door of our health service. It is where most women first seek help when they begin experiencing symptoms, but there is no structured framework in the contract that recognises menopause as a core element of women's health. That absence reinforces the wider point that women's health has too often been treated as a series of isolated services rather than something embedded across the system, including in primary care, which is the first point of contact. <BR /> <BR />Other jurisdictions across the UK and Ireland have recognised the need for a more coordinated approach.”
“As women move into midlife, perimenopause and menopause bring another set of challenges that can affect physical and mental health. Public awareness of menopause has improved in recent years, but much of that conversation is happening through communities and social media, rather than through structured support in our health service. Women are sharing experiences of anxiety, sleep disruption, night sweats, brain fog and a range of other symptoms without having clear guidance or support from the health system. That cannot be the long-term solution. It reinforces the need for proper clinical pathways, education and support. A GP recently told me that, while primary care provides services such as contraception, cervical screening and maternity care, menopause is not explicitly embedded in the GP contract in Northern Ireland.”
“Thankfully, they then sought support. That tells us something important about awareness, stigma and how easily women's health issues go unrecognised. A comprehensive women's health strategy would recognise that care for maternal mental health is not optional; it is a fundamental part of our healthcare.”
“Those delays matter because the longer a diagnosis takes, the greater the impact on a woman's health, fertility, mental well-being and ability to participate in education, employment and everyday life. <BR /> <BR />For women who become pregnant and have children, another critical stage of health emerges. Perinatal mental health, covering pregnancy and the period after childbirth, remains an area in which services have historically been insufficiently and unevenly distributed. Many women experience anxiety, depression or trauma during pregnancy and after childbirth. When I spoke publicly about my experience of perinatal mental health, one of the things that I was most struck by was the number of women who contacted me afterwards to say that what they were experiencing now had a name; they had not known that.”
“Women live longer on average, which increases their lifetime risk of developing dementia, and they represent a majority of those living with the condition. <BR /> <BR />Those examples demonstrate something important: women's health inequalities are not confined to reproductive health or gynaecology but exist through the entire health system as women go from adolescence to older age. However, our services are still largely organised around isolated conditions rather than the health journey that women experience during their life. <BR /> <BR />For younger women and girls, a lack of consistent support and understanding remains around menstrual health and conditions such as endometriosis and premenstrual dysphoric disorder (PMDD). Many women describe years of pain before receiving a diagnosis or appropriate treatment.”