Paul Frew
North Antrim · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I thank the Minister for that intervention. Nevertheless, there are concerns that I want to address. The Minister and the departmental officials will know that, even from the range of questions that I have asked. We need to make sure that we get the balance correct.”
“In the written and oral evidence received then, the Committee was advised of potential amendments that the Minister may table at Consideration Stage, including an amendment to remove the commissioner that is being considered in liaison with OLC.”
“That in itself causes some victims and witnesses bother, because they are in a system that they are not part of, which means that they do not get the support that they require. That can sometimes leave them feeling retraumatised, as though they have been put through the wringer again.”
“The Bill makes provision to offer those protections and provide clarity to victims that they do not have to face their perpetrator in court. <BR /> <BR />Members asked questions about a range of matters, including the independence of the office, the ability to review the performance of any future commissioner, the costs of establishing th…”
“I thank the Minister for her intervention. She was absolutely right to take that action, as it means that victims' voices are right at the heart of the matters under discussion. It is now obvious to us that that should have been done years ago, but it is good that it is being done now.”
“Officials explained that the Bill would legislate on the disclosure regime not to prevent an application for disclosure but to set out a process whereby the defence would have to show the relevance of the information that it was requesting. That is an important protection.”
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“That is the only Part that defines hunting. Will that not encapsulate any dog that is out searching for or pursuing a mammal?”
“I thank the Member for giving way. He says that a dog walker would not be involved in hunting. However, clause 2 would insert into the Wildlife (Northern Ireland) Order 1985 article 23B(4), which defines "hunting a wild mammal" as follows:”
“I hope that, with the battering down South in the Republic in those two by-elections, Sinn Féin will continue to do its U-turns and start governing well.”
“I suggest that Sinn Féin does not care too much about listening to voters and acknowledging the real issues. That is the problem with Sinn Féin. While it has its head in the sand, those results will continue to come in. It is about Sinn Féin getting it right. It is about time that Sinn Féin listened to the people. It is about time Sinn Féin listened to its support base in the Republic and in Northern Ireland. It needs to shape up and get its act together because, when it does not govern well here, it affects us all. It is not in opposition here; it is in government. We need the party to get its act together and get with it. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin has failed countless times on many serious issues, not least immigration and net zero: woke nonsense. It is about time it changed.”
“We in the Chamber know only too well that Sinn Féin does not govern well. It cannot build infrastructure; it cannot get a Budget that can be agreed; it cannot spend money effectively and efficiently; it cannot get net zero targets right; and, through its intervention, it chases jobs away from Northern Ireland instead of encouraging jobs here. It seems that Sinn Féin is not even good at being in opposition in the Republic of Ireland because it did not win two by-elections that you would have expected it to win, one of which was in Dublin Central, which is in the party leader's back garden. <BR /> <BR />The BBC quoted a Sinn Féin source saying:”
“The Irish Government are not only failing victims in Northern Ireland —”
“The Irish Government must answer them not for my sake or the Assembly's sake but for the victims who have waited decades — decades — for the truth and who have been gaslighted every day by the Irish Government's treatment of them. They chastise the UK Government, yet, on their own, they do nothing to help victims of the Troubles, who include not only many who see themselves as Irish citizens but those who reside in the Irish Republic.”
“<BR /> <BR />I appeal to the Irish Government tonight — I hope that this will be echoed in every part of the Chamber — to disclose every aspect of evidence from their record-keeping and to get that out in the open so that we can see it and, more importantly, victims can see exactly what happened to their loved ones. How and where was that planned? Where did the terrorists go after the atrocity to seek a safe haven? Where were the safe houses that they went to? Where did they lie, undetected, for months, and why did they do so? Why did they not come to the UK on an extradition warrant? Why did they not face justice in a UK court? Why did the victims not see justice? We will not give up asking those pertinent questions.”
“My colleague makes a good point. That is the truth: not only did republican terrorists murder more people of the Catholic faith than did terrorists from any other organisation but they tormented an Garda Síochána and the Irish Army. Let us remember that the IRA did not recognise the Irish state, the Irish Army — the Defence Forces — or an Garda Síochána. It wanted to break down the Irish state just as much as it wanted to destroy Northern Ireland as a state and a part of the United Kingdom. The Irish Government have to be reminded time and again that they therefore should, and can, try to eradicate Irish republican terrorism from their midst and to separate their part in that murky era of our shared history.”
“Surely, they want to see the end of Irish republican terrorism and to end that part of their history so that we can all start afresh with a good, clean pair of hands, so why do they have their hands behind their back? Why do they not disclose the evidence and produce the material that they have so that innocent victims can see — and hear and feel — what truth looks like?”
“They should fully get behind it to ensure that we in the Assembly send the clear message to Dublin that we have had enough and that innocent victims and their families have had enough. It is right and proper that we apply pressure on the Irish Government, as they have applied pressure on the UK Government, to deliver justice. Let us see whether the Irish Government can deliver justice, given how they decry the UK's system. <BR /> <BR />It is really difficult for witnesses who are seeking truth and justice to view from afar the actions, or the inaction, of the Dublin Government. What should it be to the Irish Government? Why can the Irish Government not take part? Why can they not fulfil the wishes of the victims when they seek truth? What have the Irish Government got to lose? What have they got to hide?”
“That is what the Irish Government did to the victims of terrorism in Northern Ireland and, indeed, in Britain. <BR /> <BR />It is therefore really important that the Irish Government make amends for that aspect of their shady past. However, they have not, and they continue to block and obstruct victims and witnesses from the truth and justice. They chastise the UK Government for not going through with legacy, trials or inquiries; yet they do not hold any themselves. If they hold some, it is a sham: a paper exercise on behalf of the Irish Government. That is not good enough for our people. <BR /> <BR />There is absolutely no reason why parties in the Chamber cannot support the motion.”
“They have had the neck to apply pressure on a very weak Labour Secretary of State to retain flawed processes and legislation. <BR /> <BR />I have no doubt that there are many brave people who serve in an Garda Síochána and overseas in the Irish Army, and they have tried their best, as we have here, to quell the flame of terrorist fire. However, it is also true to say that, when terrorists ran — that is what they did; they ran — across that border, they were given safe haven and were able to disappear in the mist, and no one could find them. Even if they were found and arrested, when it came to extradition, the Irish Government played no part in it. They did not allow those terrorists to face justice in a UK court so that their victims could see that justice and have their day in court.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Irish Government cannot continue to posture as an honest broker on legacy issues whilst maintaining what many victims see as a "decades-long embargo" on truth and accountability. All they do is gaslight the innocent victims of republican terrorists. The Irish Republic's Government selectively obstruct legacy investigations, particularly those involving cross-border IRA activity. Victims' families are denied information and truth that they have sought for years. The Republic's Government act like some honest witness; like a bystander who has witnessed serious crime from afar. That is not the case. They chastise the UK Government's actions, however misguided they are, yet do nothing to put in place and establish separate investigative processes addressing the legacy of the past and their part in it.”
“I have proposed the motion because I feel that it goes to the heart of one of the greatest injustices still facing many innocent victims and survivors across Northern Ireland. For years, the Irish Government have sought to lecture others about legacy, accountability and reconciliation, while refusing to fully cooperate on cases connected to the Republic of Ireland or to establish any meaningful investigative mechanism of their own. That position is totally and utterly indefensible. Victims who lost loved ones to IRA and other republican terrorists deserve answers, regardless of which side of the border the information lies on. Instead, many families have spent decades being met with obstruction, delay and silence from Dublin.”
“Does the Minister have any concerns over the damage that the Bill could do to countryside management, countryside practices and the right to hunt game? Will he stand up for the rural dwellers, who have been the custodians of rural life in Northern Ireland for millennia?”
“On the topic of race relations and, indeed, the concentration of immigration, can the deputy First Minister update the House on her recent engagement with communities in Ballymena that were affected by last year's summer disorder and advise what practical support TEO is considering?”
“<BR /> <BR />Speaking as a DUP MLA, I think it is fair to say that we are tremendously worried and concerned about the fact that we do not have a Budget in place that is agreed across the Executive. I fear for the fundamentals of governance if we cannot get to a position that is agreed by all Ministers and one where all Ministers are sufficiently satisfied with their lot.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Minister has pointed out to the Committee that the possible consequences of the draft Budget could be catastrophic and risk setting back the transformative work that has been undertaken over the past 10 years. The Committee recognises that that is a challenging position for the Department and shares the concerns about the impact that the proposed Budget may have on organisations across the system and their ability to deliver statutory functions, as well as on access to justice and public confidence in the justice system. We will continue to monitor the Department's prioritisation and financial planning to ensure that key priorities are funded to deliver effective outcomes across the justice sector.”
“While welcoming the certainty that a multi-year Budget will bring, each highlighted significant concerns for their organisation, with some indicating that it may be difficult to fulfil statutory obligations or meet their Programme for Government commitments. The chief inspector of Criminal Justice Inspection Northern Ireland (CJINI) went as far as to suggest that an insufficient budget allocation could be seen as fettering that office's independence, which is clearly a serious matter for us all. Regrettably, there is no time today to highlight other bodies' concerns that were expressed in Committee, but they have been set out in our submission to the Committee for Finance.”
“She has also advised of an annual shortfall in capital funding of £150 million that, she advises, will severely restrict plans to transform, modernise and reduce operating costs across the justice estate. The Committee has heard that not all inescapable bids have been met and priority will have to be given to contractually committed expenditure. The Department may need to pause or stop a number of important, high-profile projects, such as new prisoner accommodation, redevelopment of the courts estate or the proposed new PSNI training college. <BR /> <BR />The Department paints a difficult picture, but the comments received from non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) are no more positive.”
“Leaving those and other ring-fenced funding aside, the Department has advised that the indicative Budget allocations equate to year-on-year increases of 2·9%, 4% and 1·9% against the 2025-26 opening Budget baseline. Any increase is welcome, but that falls well short of what is required. The Minister has indicated that the indicative allocations would leave the Department facing pressures of £101 million in the first year, rising to £215 million by 2028-29. By the end of the multi-year period, the shortfall will equate to the annual budgets of the Prison Service, the Probation Board, the Youth Justice Agency and Forensic Science Northern Ireland combined. <BR /> <BR />The Minister has advised that it is difficult to see how the Department will manage to live within its resource budget.”
“As Members will know, demand across all those areas is ever increasing. Therefore, while a multi-year Budget is to be welcomed, it needs to be adequate to meet ongoing and increasing needs. Failure to ensure that will result in further delays, further pressures and, inevitably, further problems in years to come. Such things have real-life impacts and consequences for our citizens. <BR /> <BR />Some aspects of the draft Budget proposals are welcome, including the earmarked funding for the PSNI workforce recovery plan across the three years and the allocation of £119 million that the Executive have agreed to provide for the PSNI data breach settlement in 2026-27.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak to the motion as the Chairperson of the Committee for Justice. For some time, the Committee has been supportive of calls for a multi-year Budget. We have heard from organisations across the justice sector that believe that a multi-year Budget will help with long-term planning. It will not, however, take away from the fact that significant budgetary pressures will still exist. The recurring theme in all our budgetary briefings has been the historical underfunding of the Department, which is seeing pressures build across the justice system. <BR /> <BR />The Department's budget is mainly demand-led, and the majority of its resource allocation is taken up by funding the PSNI and prisons, by spending on courts and tribunals and by legal aid expenditure.”
“It also gives voters hope that their voice can make a difference and shows them that they should get registered and vote, because they see that one household or one voter can make a difference to how they are governed and that they need to be governed far better than they have been in the past decades. <BR /> <BR />I rejoice when I hear the people speak and see this great country's democratic practice. It is for the voters — the people of Britain — to decide how they are governed best.”
“In Wales, 56% of people voted for pro-Union parties. In Scotland, 58% voted for pro-Union parties, and 41% voted for nationalist parties. The SNP vote fell by 9·2%, and the overall nationalist vote in Scotland dropped by 8%. Nationalism is at its ugliest when it makes things up. <BR /> <BR />I am proud to hear the people speaking with one voice. We are watching and experiencing something dramatic among the British people: they will no longer tolerate bad governance from whatever quarter, be it the red of Labour or the blue of the Tories. We will see massive changes in the forthcoming years.”
“I, too, rise to discuss the election campaigns and results over the past few days, which prove that we are indeed at a seminal moment and that the plates are shifting in British democracy. They are shifting back to the people, who have found their voice. Successive Governments have not listened, and this Government are not listening. They have never listened to the people. They are squeezing us with further taxation, destroying farm businesses, eroding free speech, pushing mandatory digital IDs on us all and carrying on the Tories' damaging, flawed practices and policies, including those relating to illegal immigration. The Government are not working for the people, and the people have responded. <BR /> <BR />Nationalism will grasp any thin thread that it can, but the failure is there for all to see.”
“You mentioned child aggravators: that is really important in this setting and this legislation. When the perpetrator runs out of tools to control the person, the obvious place for them to look to is the bedroom where the child is playing a computer game. The child does not even know that they are being threatened, and the victim will do what the perpetrator wants them to do because they know that they will take it out on the child.”
“Therefore, I propose to table amendments to the Justice Bill, and I hope that the House will be able to support those amendments.”
“If we do not do that, what will happen is that no victim will want to come forward if they know that their perpetrator will use as a weapon the very vehicle that they, as a victim, are meant to use to seek justice. <BR />That is why it is really important that we get the law right. <BR /> <BR />It is also very important that we progress law around coercive control. That is why I am tabling two amendments to the Justice Bill to bring in elements with regard to animals. I have just talked about the perpetrator using any weapon that they can use, and I was able to bring forward the offence of child aggravator in the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act if the child was threatened or intimidated or if a threat to a child or victim would make them do whatever the perpetrator wanted. It would be the same with an animal.”
“They will use all at their disposal to hurt, intimidate, humiliate, degrade, punish and frighten their victims, so it is really important that we get this right. <BR /> <BR />I call on the Minister to put down clear timelines to commence all aspects of that Act and to make sure that everyone involved, including the judiciary, is fully informed and fully educated on what that law actually means. That should be a no-brainer. I should not even have to say that in the Chamber as a legislator, but we do see that disconnect. I suppose that we all feared that that would happen, so a piece of work must be done — a real, concentrated effort made — to ensure that all the cogs in the justice system work appropriately to safeguard victims.”
“Probably not, but that Bill represented the best chance possible for all victims who were caught up in coercive control and domestic and sexual violence. I commend the Department for the work that it did at that time. <BR /> <BR />We realise now that we did not put in commencement clauses, but there was real angst at that time from all the other parties involved in the Bill, including the judiciary, as to how they would handle it. However, I have absolutely no doubt about it: if you are a perpetrator of coercive control, you will use every weapon at your disposal, and that includes the courts — the family court and the criminal court. Those people have a brass neck for anything and everything.”
“So, this is a real opportunity for Sinn Féin here to acknowledge that past, to demonstrate a genuine commitment to doing things differently and to ensure that all victims out there are protected. It could happen to any one of us, even some of us in the Chamber, so it is really important that we get to grips with that. My party and I will support the motion and the amendment because it is a really serious issue. <BR /> <BR />I was all over the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings (Northern Ireland) Act 2021. I helped to shape and amend it, which I am always proud to do, to try to get legislation that was cutting edge. We had not, at that point, legislated for coercive control, so there was a real challenge in the Department to bring in law that could do that. Did we get it right?”
“I support the motion and the amendment. There is absolutely no doubt that there will be many victims of coercive control and sexual and domestic violence. Máiría Cahill is only one of them, but the case is clear as to what she went through and how she was coerced after the fact and after the offence took place. <BR /> <BR />The motion presents a real opportunity for Sinn Féin Members if they are serious about protecting victims of coercive control. Many of you are. I have worked with many of you in Committees, not only in Justice but in Finance, and we have worked through other legislation, including the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings (Northern Ireland) Act 2021. Sinn Féin Members were just as committed as I was to introducing legislation on coercive control.”
“I hope that it soon will be in primary legislation, that is, the Justice Bill, and I look forward to the Consideration Stage of that Bill very soon.”
“Her destiny has not been her own because, of course, the Committee took a long time to scrutinise the Justice Bill, and rightly so. That is why we have had nine extensions. <BR /> <BR />However, sooner or later, the Assembly and Executive will have to face up to the harm that the Coronavirus Act 2020 brought to the people. In a crisis, we need more scrutiny, not less, and the Assembly went into abeyance, a zombie form. It allowed one person, no matter who that one person was, to have the power to change, bring in or think up new legislation in the morning, have it passed in the afternoon and have it enacted in the evening. We should never be in that position again. <BR /> <BR />I support the extension.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee considered the rule at its meeting on 23 April 2026, which included consideration of a report from the Examiner of Statutory Rules. The report raised no issues with the technical aspects of the rule. The Committee then agreed to recommend that the SR be approved by the Assembly. Therefore, on behalf of the Committee of Justice, I support the motion before us. <BR /> <BR />I now speak briefly in my capacity as an individual MLA. Out of the Coronavirus Act 2020, this is one of the measures that had a positive outcome, and I support it 100%, along with the death certificate and birth certificate measures in the Finance Department. I understand why we need the extensions, and I am glad that the Minister has committed, at her earliest opportunity, to put this into primary legislation.”
“In its consideration of the previous rules, the Committee sought assurances from the Minister that the continuation of the use of powers in the Coronavirus Act remained appropriate and proportionate as an interim arrangement until a permanent provision could be established by means of primary legislation. As Members will be aware, the Minister plans to amend the Justice Bill at Consideration Stage to make permanent provision in that regard. Although this may not be the final extension before the Justice Bill completes is passage through the House, the end is therefore probably now in sight. The powers to allow courts and tribunals to make use of live links will hopefully soon be enshrined in primary legislation.”
“I am pleased to be able to speak briefly on the motion as Chairperson of the Committee for Justice. <BR /> <BR />The Minister outlined the intention of the statutory rule (SR). It is one in a sequence to allow for the continued use of live links for courts and tribunals. It is the ninth such extension under section 90 of the Coronavirus Act 2020. The Committee recommended that the Assembly approve all previous extensions, and it maintains that position, following consideration of the SR before us, recommending that the provisions be extended until 24 September 2026.”
“However, Jonathan Creswell was never referred to PPANI, and the review was to consider whether there had been opportunities for referral. What did the review determine about why he was never referred to PPANI, and what specific recommendations have been made about when it may be appropriate to refer such an offender to PPANI to help to prevent similar tragic cases in the future? Similarly, the review was to consider whether there had been opportunities for referral to the multi-agency risk assessment conferences (MARAC) process, given that Katie had presented to hospital with Creswell on a number of occasions. What were the review's findings and recommendations on that matter?”
“I thank the Minister for her statement on this important issue. Like her, I pay tribute to Katie Simpson's family and everyone who loved her and knew her as a friend. The Minister has welcomed the recommendation for risk assessment within PPANI arrangements and:”
“The Finance Minister, the Executive and the Assembly should support the Education Minister, who is delivering for education, for our children and for Dunclug. <BR /> <BR />I have a list of schools that the Education Minister should go to throughout North Antrim that need new builds and better facilities, but we have made a start. I am glad that the Education Minister is from my party and that we are able to progress those projects. I wish that the Executive and the Assembly would support him more, because we have in him a Minister who is delivering, who set down a marker by saying that he would progress education in this country and who has done so. <BR /> <BR />I thank Paul Givan, the Education Minister, for his work on Dunclug, for coming to see the talent on display in that school and for the new build that Dunclug will surely get now.”
“Irrespective of my really good lobbying skills, the school sold itself. The pupils put on a display for the Education Minister that was second to none. I know that the Minister went away knowing that he made the right decision in progressing Dunclug College in Ballymena through the major works programme. <BR /> <BR />It is vital for Dunclug — for that area, Ballymena — and for pupils, families, parents and everyone connected with education that the school builds progress. However, we should not stop there. I am glad to say that the Education Minister is not content to stop there: he wants to push on. He wants more capital in order to bring forward more school-build projects across the Province.”
“Last week, the Education Minister, Paul Givan, announced that four new-build major works projects and nine school enhancement projects would progress to construction stage. The four major works projects are Enniskillen Royal Grammar School; Priory Integrated College, Holywood; St Malachy's Primary School, Armagh; and Dunclug College, Ballymena. Those projects have been in planning for a significant number of years, and I am so glad that the Education Minister, Paul Givan — a Minister who continually delivers — was able to advance them. <BR /> <BR />Knowing where we sat with regard to Dunclug College, I knew that it was vital to get the Education Minister to Dunclug to see for himself the excellent facility that is Dunclug and the talented pupils who are educated at that school in Ballymena.”
“They all deserve the truth; they all deserve to hear what happened and how and why it happened. It is about time that the republican movement came out and told that truth so that all of the families affected by the Troubles can rest easy, in the assurance of knowing exactly what happened to their loved ones.”
“<BR /> <BR />While those young people lost their lives on that day, we should also be mindful of the coercion used by the terrorists who put those young people on to the streets and into harm's way and into their terrorist organisations to raise money, to shoplift and rob and everything else that went with that, only for them to mature into gunmen. That is what we should centre on and seek justice on. It is rich of Sinn Féin and others to talk about the British Establishment, when the inquest was heard in a court of law. That is what truth looks like, while Sinn Féin and the IRA, due to a code, will not give evidence on any of the atrocities that they were part of. That speaks of hypocrisy. <BR /> <BR />Everyone who lost loved ones or said goodbye to loved ones who never returned deserves the truth.”
“I recognise that, and I believe that everyone who suffered during the Troubles recognises that. <BR /> <BR />That year, 472 people lost their lives due to the violence. Whilst that was before I was born, I have served this country and put on the uniform. During the time that I served this country, I saw nothing but professionalism from our armed forces. Back in 1972, there was absolute chaos on the streets. Homes were being burned, streets were being blockaded and the army was put in an impossible situation, with armed terrorists taking potshots at them from every direction. Should we have been surprised, then, when things like this happened?”
“I acknowledge the findings of the inquest last week and pay tribute to the families who persevered and fought for the truth. Every person in the country who suffered during the Troubles deserves the truth at the very least. The families have made a statement. They said:”
“Legislation on some of the matters that the Bill covers has been a long time coming, and it is welcome that we now have it in front of us. We have to get it right so that victims and survivors, their families and all those involved can have greater confidence in the justice system. <BR /> <BR />The Committee's aim is to conduct effective scrutiny to ensure that what is added to the statute book is clear and coherent and delivers for the public. That is especially important with a Bill such as the Sentencing Bill. I therefore trust that the Assembly will support the extension of the Committee Stage of the Sentencing Bill to 27 November and support the Committee for Justice in its scrutiny of the Bill. I commend the motion to the House.”
“The Member raises a valid question and a real reason why we need the extension: so that we can give time to the victims, victims' groups and families who have suffered at the hands of perpetrators. The Assembly should give us that latitude in dealing with and scrutinising the Bill so that we afford victims the right to be heard by the Committee. <BR /> <BR />The Committee recognises the importance of prioritising legislation and ensuring that it is scrutinised robustly. We also recognise that there is not a lot of time left in the mandate, so we have tried to balance what, we feel, is necessary and proportionate against that. If we can complete our scrutiny before 27 November, we will do so. Legislation like this must be fit for purpose.”