Robbie Butler
Lagan Valley · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Officials highlighted that alignment was provided through existing EU-derived arrangements and that coherence with existing regulatory frameworks was identified as a main consideration.”
“I note that the Member for Strangford agrees: she understands the value of our fisheries in those areas. There are other complexities. The Isle of Man Government have now done a bit of a circle around that island, which makes it difficult for our fishers from Portavogie, Kilkeel and Portaferry to craft and graft a living from some of the…”
“The Committee took the opportunity to question officials on several issues and highlight matters warranting scrutiny at Committee Stage but was not limited to those areas.”
“As the Minister said, they have possibly been viewed as competing demands, but they are not competing demands, because clean water is part of sustainable food production.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am glad to see language in the Bill on the sustainability of the aquaculture sector, and I want to lean in a bit on that. Aquaculture pastimes have, perhaps, been underutilised, whether they relate to the angling fraternity or other river and water users.”
“Today, I want to talk about a very talented young girl from Lisburn called Freya Terris. Freya, who is 17 years old, attends Friends' School and studies the piano under former Lisburn resident Rory Dowse. Freya is an incredibly accomplished young pianist and has performed in the Ulster Hall.”
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“<BR /> <BR />Over the mandate, the AERA Committee has highlighted the need for long-term ring-fencing of the agri-budget; the desire of young people to get into and stay in farming; the support needed for nature-friendly farming and improvement of the environment; the support needed for the fishing and aquaculture industries; and the need to deal with bovine tuberculosis (bTB), given the increasing cost of that programme. <BR /> <BR />That ends my comments as the spokesperson for the Committee. I will take the final 60 seconds to speak succinctly — my partner Steve Aiken will speak more for the party — in a party capacity. <BR /> <BR />Having spent 10 years as an MLA, I find it difficult to comprehend that we could be looking at emergency measures if no Budget is agreed.”
“The AERA Committee has been doing exactly that through, for example, its scrutiny of inheritance tax issues. We have also held discussions on the recent increases in fuel and fertiliser prices with the Economy Committee, and we look forward to engaging with members of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (EFRA) Committee at the Balmoral show this week. <BR /> <BR />The Fiscal Council highlights the fact that the true level of need here exceeds 124%; the AERA Committee highlights the fact that at least some of that need arises from our significant rurality.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee for Finance report notes that the Ulster University Economic Policy Centre believes that continuous small cuts are no longer enough and decisions are required to stop some activities altogether. We wish to engage with officials to see what that looks like with regard to the DAERA portfolio. <BR /> <BR />The report also notes that the Nevin Economic Research Institute (NERI) argues that Northern Ireland needs to clearly state:”
“After providing funding for the departmental baselines, oversight bodies etc, there remains around £1·3 billion, £1·8 billion and £2·3 billion over the three years to honour previous Executive commitments and to provide additional allocations. The Committee is pleased to note that those commitments include areas such as agriculture, agrienvironment, fisheries and rural development. Also, additional commitments have been suggested for Executive earmarked funding, including around £15 million for Lough Neagh. The Committee for Finance report also notes that the capital position is more challenging than the resource position and that we could be facing a 40% reduction in spending power by 2930.”
“I thank the Finance Committee for taking the lead on the overall scrutiny, and I thank the public finance scrutiny unit from the Research and Information Service (RaISe), which has completed six papers on the draft Budget. The Finance Minister highlighted that the Chancellor's autumn Budget had led to an additional £372·3 million of Barnett consequentials. I think that the Chair of the Committee alluded to around £400 million, but the reality is that, when taken over a four-year period, it falls far short of what is needed. From the outset, resource and capital funding bids significantly exceed the available budget. That seems to be a bit of a rinse-and-repeat for us.”
“Last Thursday, officials again indicated to the Clerk that they are still not in a position to come to the Committee and that the Minister is still considering internal capital allocations to 2029-2030, we believe. A number of other Departments did not seem to have the same issues and held evidence sessions with their respective Committees. Given that one of the roles of the Committee is to support the Minister and his Department, it seems perplexing that he and his officials would not seek Committee input to discuss the issues and the proposed allocations. <BR /> <BR />I will highlight a few issues from the Committee for Finance's report.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on behalf of the Committee on the motion. <BR /> <BR />A multi-year Budget has been generally welcomed for strategic planning and transformation. The lack of multi-year Budgets is cited to us by rural groups as a significant issue for forward planning, and I think that that is the case for just about every Committee. Unfortunately, the Committee has, as yet, been unable to take a position on the draft multi-year Budget. At the time when we were asked to respond to the Committee for Finance, we were advised that DAERA officials were working through the draft Budget with the Minister and were sadly unable to attend an evidence session with us. The position remains unchanged.”
“I beg the indulgence of the Assembly and hope that Members will vote with us to extend the Committee Stage of the ANC Bill to January 2027.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I will not take up too much time. Everything that has been said, whether by the Minister or the Bill sponsor, points to the fact that we will take our responsibilities seriously. <BR /> <BR />The first thing that I will touch on is scrutiny. I was in the Chamber for the debate on the previous motion, which was on an extension of provisions in the Coronavirus Act 2020, and it has never been more apparent that the primary function of this place is to offer absolute scrutiny and to give the public confidence, particularly when we talk about new fiscal responsibilities coming in for any Department in 2027. However, the context in which the Bill is set is a challenging environment for farmers and the agri-food sector. <BR /> <BR />I thank Members for their contributions.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee's public call for views will open in the next week or so, and I encourage all interested individuals, stakeholders and groups to respond to that. We wish to give the focused issues and wider impact of the Bill due diligence and scrutiny while keeping on top of our extensive remit to scrutinise statutory rules and new policies as they emerge. <BR /> <BR />Having consulted the Bill Office and considered the evidence that we wish to take and our ongoing work and commitments, the Committee seeks the support of the House to extend the Committee Stage of the ANC (Payments) Bill to 22 January 2027. The Committee will, of course, work at pace to report in advance of that date if it is possible to do so.”
“The Committee would rather have the scope to consider the Bills in parallel than unnecessarily rush scrutiny of one, or any, of them just to get it over the line. <BR /> <BR />We have learnt from the Agriculture Bill and the Dilapidation Bill the lesson that significant evidence can come to us late in Committee Stage. Although we set a long extension period for the Committee Stage of the Dilapidation Bill, we are now down to the wire in taking new evidence from important groups while still meeting our reporting deadline. <BR /> <BR />The Committee is due to receive a briefing on the ANC Bill from the Research and Information Service (RaISe) on 21 May. No doubt RaISe will highlight further pertinent queries and issues that the Committee will want to pursue with external witnesses and the Bill sponsor.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee supported the intention of the Bill, but some members have initial concerns about its viability as enabling legislation, its budgetary implications and its potential impact on other support schemes. The Committee is requesting a significant extension of Committee Stage in order to ensure full scrutiny of the range of significant issues that were raised at Second Stage by Committee members and, indeed, other Members. In addition, the Committee is completing Committee Stage of the Dilapidation Bill and needs to build in time for an imminent Executive fisheries and water environment Bill and for other Members' Bills, including the Hunting with Dogs Bill, which has been introduced.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee will need to look in detail at the financial implications of and the need for the ANC Bill. The Bill states that payments should be reinstated at levels "no less" than those provided for under the Areas of Natural Constraint Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2018, which have expired. The payment rates, specified at schedule 2 to the regulations, are based on "qualifying forage area". <BR /> <BR />We will consider any unintended consequences of the Bill and consider in more detail the environmental and ecological impacts associated with ANCs. We will also consider whether the payments could maximise delivery of sustainable food production and whether they should be linked to improved environmental outcomes in ANCs. We will explore potential alternative measures and look at the impacts of the previous ANC payments.”
“The 2020 Act provides the power to make regulations to provide the ANC payments, although that power has not been exercised by the Minister to date. <BR /> <BR />The Deputy Chair advised us that the aim of the Bill is to restore income from support payments that were vital to upland farmers in a range of social, economic, environmental and financial ways. <BR /> <BR />The Committee will need to undertake wide-ranging scrutiny of the intentions of the Bill, which include compensating farmers for all or part of the additional costs and income forgone due to production constraints in ANCs; easing the burden of operating in challenging farming environments; addressing the reduction in agricultural opportunities in ANCs; and promoting greater equality of opportunity for farmers in those regions.”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. The date of 22 January 2027 was agreed after a discussion in Committee on 16 April 2026, and I will outline the reasons why the Committee agreed to request an extension. <BR /> <BR />The Committee was first briefed on the Bill on 16 March 2026 by the sponsoring member, Declan McAleer, the Deputy Chair of the AERA Committee. The Bill will take considerable scrutiny, despite comprising only two clauses, as it is an enabling Bill that places a statutory duty on the Department to use powers in the Agriculture Act 2000 to permit the modification of the basic payment scheme to include a payment scheme for areas of natural constraint, otherwise known as ANCs.”
“As I have said, that does not come without its controversy, so we need to step in line with that. <BR /> <BR />To sum up, our farmers are not asking for sympathy. They would rather not ask for compensation. They are asking for leadership and for a plan that works, for timelines that mean something and for partnerships and not platitudes from us.”
“That point should not be dismissed lightly, because, if we are to succeed, any intervention must be evidence-based, regionally appropriate and delivered with the confidence of the farming community. <BR /> <BR />That brings me to the central issue of action. The time for reports alone has indeed passed. We do not lack understanding; we do not lack evidence; we do not lack recommendations; and we do not lack Adjournment debates, Members' statements or motions tabled by parties. What we have lacked consistently is decisive implementation. The Andersons report is clear that compensation alone is not enough, and farmers know that. What is required is a comprehensive, science-led eradication strategy that includes all necessary measures, including wildlife intervention.”
“The Andersons report also gives voice to those experiences and confirms what many of us already knew but could not prove. We have the evidence now, and we cannot ignore it. <BR /> <BR />The amendment strengthens the motion, and we support it. It rightly recognises the broader economic impact not just on farms but on agri-food supply chains, rural employment and local livestock marts. It acknowledges the blueprint from the TB Partnership Steering Group and welcomes funding through the Shared Island initiative, whilst it also reflects genuine and valid concerns from the Ulster Farmers' Union about whether the pilot area is truly representative of the problem that is facing Northern Ireland.”
“As Mr Blair, the chairman of the all-party group on animal welfare, and I, as vice-chair, say, we have to care about all animals equally. Michelle McIlveen talked about the public love and understanding for the badger, but we have to look at them in the same way as we in the farming family look at cows. <BR /> <BR />It matters for public health also. That was picked up in the amendment to the motion. The figure of three human cases locally adds a wider context of concern for all of us. Crucially, it matters for mental health, because, behind every statistic, there is a farmer lying awake at night, a family dealing with uncertainty and a business under pressure with no clear end in sight. When that news drops onto a farm, it does not disappear overnight; in fact, it extends into weeks and months of worry and leaves an indelible scar.”
“So, when we talk about the £60 million-plus problem, we are only telling part of the story. The real cost, the true cost, is significantly higher, and it is being absorbed quietly, relentlessly and invisibly by farm families across Northern Ireland, and that matters. It matters not just economically but environmentally. <BR /> <BR />The motion rightly recognises that high levels of animal disease undermine sustainability. A herd under restriction is an inefficient herd. More inputs are required per unit of output, more feed, more time, more emissions — all for less productivity. If we are serious about climate targets and about sustainable food production, we must also be serious about eradicating bovine tuberculosis. It matters for animal welfare.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Andersons Centre's report tells us that, behind those figures, there is a much deeper, much more personal cost — one that is largely hidden, largely unmeasured and, until now, too often overlooked. The March 2026 assessment makes it clear that farmers bear the largest share of the total economic cost of bTB, not the Department, not the system but the farmers. The report highlights that, for many farm businesses, the indirect costs of such things as loss of productivity, extended calving, disrupted breeding programmes, additional feed, additional labour and movement restrictions can run into tens of thousands of pounds per breakdown. In some cases, those hidden costs can be equal to or even exceed the compensation that the farmers receive.”
“For years, in the Chamber, we have talked about bovine TB in terms of compensation, reactors and headline figures. However, the report, which many of us have read, clearly and powerfully moves the conversation beyond the visible costs and shines a light on the true burden carried every day by our farming families. I have to be clear: that burden is immense. We already know from DAERA's figures that bovine TB will cost the public purse in excess of £60 million this year. We know that tens of thousands of cattle — around 20,000 animals annually — are slaughtered as reactors or direct contacts. We know that herd incidents continually sit stubbornly high at around 10% or more in recent years. However, those are only the headline numbers.”
“There are things that we do in the Chamber regularly, and this is one of them. As the proposer of the motion initially said, this is a topic that has come up time and time again. Wildfires are another issue that we have been talking about. We really need to get to grips with many of the things that we just rinse and repeat every year. I support both the motion and the amendment, and I commend both Sinn Féin and the DUP in that space. As the Member from the Alliance Party has also outlined, it is an ambition that each of us has, and we need to get serious about the actions. <BR /> <BR />I record the Ulster Unionist Party's thanks to the Andersons Centre for the report that it compiled, which makes for stark and, frankly, sobering reading.”
“I thank the Member for giving way. I find this fascinating, given that we passed legislation in the previous mandate that Justice Humphreys found issues with. I think it was sections 12 to 16 of the Justice (Sexual Offences and Trafficking Victims) Act (Northern Ireland) 2022. Will the extension give the Committee more time to listen specifically to victims' groups, which held us accountable for the shortcomings in the previous legislation?”
“Let us be clear about the purpose: it is about building a Northern Ireland that is more equal, more prosperous and more resilient; a place where communities are supported, services are strengthened and industry is given the confidence to grow; and a place where we meet our environmental responsibilities not by placing the burden on those who are least able to carry it but by bringing everyone with us. That is what just transition would truly mean, and that is the standard that the commission must meet.”
“Let me be clear: the commission must not become a talking shop; it must be an enabling force that equips people with the tools that they need, empowers communities to shape their own futures and enables industries to transition successfully, rather than struggling alone. Success will come not from government acting in isolation but from collective effort — government, industry, communities and, crucially, our citizens working together. Above all, it must be grounded in fairness between regions, between the sectors and between generations. Without demonstrable fairness, without people seeing that the transition works for them, there will be a backlash, and, if that happens, we will not just fail on climate; we will fail the people whom we are here to serve.”
“Targets must be accompanied by credible pathways, proper investment and practical support; otherwise, we risk undermining trust and setting ourselves up to fail.”
“When people see the benefit, they will support the change, but when they do not, they will resist it. <BR /> <BR />We also need honesty about the scale of the challenge. There is already a gap between our targets and our current policy delivery. Closing that gap will require significant action across every sector. That ambition must also come with absolute realism.”
“Crucially, it will require genuine partnership with our communities. The message coming through strongly today is that people want to be part of the solution, but they also want to have a say. They want to see real, tangible benefits where they live. They want policies shaped with them, not imposed on them. That means embracing a more democratic approach that involves our citizens; listens to our communities, particularly our rural communities; recognises that innovation already happens at grassroots level; and builds on that success. We have seen international examples of where communities directly benefit from renewable energy and where local people see lower costs, better services and real community ownership. That is a model that we should scale.”
“It says that we will create good, well-paid jobs; that we will support industries in transition; that we will invest in infrastructure; and that we will build a more resourceful and efficient economy. We must go further, however. We must prioritise growing indigenous industries rather than outsourcing our future. We must ensure that investment flows into our local economies, rural and urban alike. We must support farmers, manufacturers and small businesses to adapt, innovate and thrive. This is not just an environmental transition; it is the potential for an economic transformation. If we do it properly, we can rebalance our economy, strengthen communities and create opportunity for our next generation, but that will not happen by accident. It will require leadership at every level. It will require coordination across Departments.”
“It means recognising that the costs and benefits of change are not evenly shared, and then acting accordingly. We need to get it right first time. If the costs fall on those least able to pay, public support will also disappear. We are already seeing the warning signs of that, albeit when global catastrophes happen, as we are seeing in the Strait of Hormuz. People support renewable energy and climate action, but they do not support policies that make their lives harder or, indeed, more expensive. The question for the commission, therefore, will be simple: will it design a transition that works for people or one that happens to them? <BR /> <BR />If we get this right, there is enormous opportunity. The legislation points the way.”
“Families face fuel poverty, rural communities feel left behind, small businesses are under pressure and key sectors such as agri-food and farming families are staring into uncertainty over a range of pressures. <BR /> <BR />The Ulster Unionist Party cannot and will not break the backs of our people in pursuit of targets that feel unachievable, are unaffordable or are unfair in delivery. That would not be a just transition; it would be a policy failure waiting to happen. A truly just transition must begin with a different premise, which is that climate action and societal progress go hand in hand. It must be about lifting people up, not about weighing them down. That means tackling inequality head-on, not as an afterthought but as a core objective.”
“It is key that, at its heart, this conversation should not just be about carbon targets on a page. Rather, it must be about people and about how we can create opportunity for prosperity and promote equitable access to it. It must be about whether the transition that we are embarking on delivers equality, prosperity and balance across every part of Northern Ireland or whether it deepens the divide and imposes burdens to achieve targets that we are already, sadly, struggling to achieve. We have to look at the evidence. The evidence is clear: if the transition is not fair and not deliverable, we will not succeed. The Climate Change Act set ambitious goals, but ambition alone is not a strategy, and it is certainly no guarantee of justice. Right now, too many people are already carrying heavy burdens.”
“The Committee was pleased to note that engagement with all Departments had demonstrated strong support for the commission, recognising that the delivery of the just transition is dependent on effective inter-departmental cooperation and collaboration. <BR /> <BR />Having agreed on 12 March to support the draft regulations, we were content on 16 April, at our first meeting after recess, to note the correspondence from the Department regarding the date of this debate and saying that there had been no changes to policy content since the Committee agreed to support the draft regulations. In conclusion, the Committee agreed to recommend that the draft Climate Change (Just Transition Commission) Regulations (NI) 2026 be approved by the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />I will make some comments as the Ulster Unionist AERA spokesperson.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee was pleased to hear that officials had engaged with counterparts in other just transition commissions, as well as the sponsoring Departments in Scotland and the Republic of Ireland, in order to learn from their experience. Members expressed concerns that the commission should reflect the specific challenges in Northern Ireland, particularly those faced in our rural communities. Officials responded that the commission will be focused not only on Northern Ireland as a whole but on a specific regional basis in order to face up to the challenges in urban and rural areas.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Committee also noted that the draft regulations provide that the commission will be an independent advisory non-departmental public body, comprising 16 members, including a chairperson, covering 12 sectors to ensure broad sectoral representation. The Committee was pleased to note that the commission will include two members from the environmental sector and three members from the agricultural sector and that, following the consultation, the Department included a recommendation for a separate representative of the rural community. That latter addition was welcomed as, during the mandate, the Committee has heard from a range of rural networks and support groups who told us, time and again, that the needs of rural communities must be carefully considered in a just transition and, indeed, in any sectoral plan.”
“<BR /> <BR />Officials highlighted that the just transition objectives included supporting and growing jobs that are climate resilient and environmentally and socially sustainable, contributing to a resource-efficient and sustainable economy and ensuring that the needs of the present are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. The Committee was advised that the just transition aims to promote fairness during the transition from high emissions to a low emission economy and to ensure that no workers, communities, sectors, vulnerable groups or regions are left behind as our economy is decarbonised.”
“The Committee was provided with an illustrative draft of the regulations, but it was not until 23 May 2025 that we considered a paper on the outcome of DAERA's consultation on the draft regulations. On 12 March 2026, we held an evidence session with officials and heard that DAERA intended to make a draft statutory rule (SR) to deliver on the requirements of section 37 of the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 to establish a just transition commission for Northern Ireland. The 2022 Act requires that all Northern Ireland Departments must have regard to the just transition principle when developing and delivering emission reduction policies included in sectoral plans and climate action plans. The Committee heard that the SR would be laid before the Assembly under the draft affirmative procedure.”
“I thank the Minister for moving the motion and providing some detail. On 12 February, the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs noted the SL 1 for the draft regulations and agreed to issue a call for views, which closed on 26 February. A total of eight responses were received, as well as an additional written response. <BR /> <BR />By way of background, the Committee has been particularly interested in scrutinising progress towards the establishment of a just transition commission, with the aim of ensuring that, during the transition to a net zero society, no one is left behind or disproportionately affected. <BR /> <BR />On 7 November 2024, the Committee first received a written paper on the steps that were being taken to establish the commission.”
“You are creating victims in the very families that we represent, but your days are gone because we are going to change the response.”
“He talked about how dealers prey on the vulnerable and our young people. He introduced a concept that was new to me, which was to be smart on crime rather than simply being tougher. Connie Egan, thank you again, and Órlaithí and Cheryl Brownlee, again, thank you for your contributions. <BR /> <BR />Speaking as someone who once worked in Maghaberry prison and understood that there were people who ended up in prison, not just the pushers but sometimes very vulnerable drug users, I think that we need to be sensible when we create legislation so that we do not inadvertently punish those who do not need to be punished. However, we have to be explicit and of one voice in saying that if you are a drug dealer, you are a stain on the society of Northern Ireland.”
“Rightly so, they are never happy. That is why the debate is happening. <BR /> <BR />I thank my colleague Doug Beattie, who sits on the Justice Committee, for his articulate moving of the amendment, which does bring value because it points out that we are not reinventing the wheel. In other jurisdictions, there is a sentencing council, which should perhaps be looked at. Emma Sheerin, thank you very much for rightly pointing out that this is not just an urban problem. I was here during the previous debate, when you pointed out that perhaps e-scooters were not such a big problem in the countryside, but drugs are nefarious. They leach into every aspect of our community, and where the vulnerable reside, the pushers will go. It is as simple as that. <BR /> <BR />Paul Frew, Chair of the Justice Committee, was very good.”
“I thank the mover of the motion, Mr Mark Durkan. He started by talking powerfully about the profit from misery and the exploitation of the vulnerable. I think that Pauline must be from his constituency, so I thank him for his work on that. Sometimes in debates, people pop up, and you just know that they are absolutely interested in the topic. I sit on some all-party groups with a number of Members — the mental health all-party group, the addiction and dual diagnosis all-party group and the suicide prevention all-party group — and those Members are the very people who are here today. They are here for the victims but they want to see justice. A point that my party colleague made was that we are here to serve the public, but what do the public think when they see a sentence handed down to someone who dealt drugs that led to a death?”
“I think that it was Órlaithí Flynn, from Sinn Féin, who said that Pauline does not speak for just herself and Jasmin but for the many families who have had that misery heaped upon them.”
“Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am going to do this slightly back to front. Usually, when we make a winding-up speech, we wait until the last part of our speech to credit those who have spoken, but I will do that first because I thought that an incredible amount of very powerful testimony was delivered today. <BR /> <BR />I will reference Pauline Duddy, who, evidently, is in the Public Gallery. Every Member who spoke paid tribute to Pauline's courage, tenacity and bravery in trying to get us as legislators to agree that Jasmin's law is absolutely worthy not just of consideration but of application at the appropriate time. I do believe that it will happen.”
“Sorry, I meant to say "Minister". I am not diminishing your function. <BR /> <BR />I do not know whether the Minister mentioned the Department for Communities, but I recognise in my area a growing concern, which is that a lot of vulnerable people who are drug users are being housed in the same premises. Often, that lends itself to an increased vulnerability, in that the predators who push drugs can put even greater pressure on them.”
“<BR /> <BR />We also need to better understand what facilities we have for young people. I mentioned that we all had BMXs at one time, and one of the best interventions made in Lisburn was to create a BMX track at Bells Lane park, which is still there and is still used. Yes, we need to look at the justice part, at the enforcement part and at the laws on the purchase and use of scramblers and e-scooters, but we also need to provide our young people with diversions. I can fully understand why those vehicles look, sound and are experienced as fun, but let us not forget about our local shopping centres, our disabled community and our elderly.”
“It is about how we are going to support the PSNI in its endeavours to deal with repossession through the four Es process. I will, however, talk about the approach that is much more important, and that is the preventative approach. That is where the real energy needs to be directed. There is something that we can do even now, individually or collectively, and that is raise awareness and promote education at every level of society. <BR /> <BR />After I had my experience in Lisburn Square a number of weeks ago, I wrote to the local PSNI superintendent, the local council and Lisburn chamber to try to arrange a collective meeting, which is still to happen. Other voices that need to be at that meeting are those of parents and young people, because, when we talk about making a cultural and societal change, all voices should be equal.”
“The RNIB is telling us that 77% of blind and partially sighted survey respondents said that the behaviour of e-scooter riders makes them feel unsafe, that 61% of them said that they cannot make the journeys that they want or need to make and that 70% of them avoid paths that are shared with cyclists or those on e-scooters. <BR /> <BR />I am not here to demonise people who use any of those vehicles appropriately, because all of us probably had a BMX at one stage and rode around our streets. Thinking back to that time, however, we all knew what manners were. We also knew about safety. I said that I do not want to demonise young people, and I do not, but there are two approaches that we need to take. The first is contained in the motion and the amendment and concerns the legal context.”
“The elderly are probably put off shopping, because of the decline in their reaction time and their difficulty with spatial awareness. They are scared. That is the reality. <BR /> <BR />I will also speak for another sector of our community that does not have its voice heard nearly enough, and that is the disabled sector. This has more to do with the active pedestrian versus the cyclist, and I do not want to get into that today, except to say that we should all look at some of the testimony that the RNIB has provided for the debate.”