Robbie Butler
Lagan Valley · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Officials highlighted that alignment was provided through existing EU-derived arrangements and that coherence with existing regulatory frameworks was identified as a main consideration.”
“I note that the Member for Strangford agrees: she understands the value of our fisheries in those areas. There are other complexities. The Isle of Man Government have now done a bit of a circle around that island, which makes it difficult for our fishers from Portavogie, Kilkeel and Portaferry to craft and graft a living from some of the…”
“The Committee took the opportunity to question officials on several issues and highlight matters warranting scrutiny at Committee Stage but was not limited to those areas.”
“As the Minister said, they have possibly been viewed as competing demands, but they are not competing demands, because clean water is part of sustainable food production.”
“<BR /> <BR />I am glad to see language in the Bill on the sustainability of the aquaculture sector, and I want to lean in a bit on that. Aquaculture pastimes have, perhaps, been underutilised, whether they relate to the angling fraternity or other river and water users.”
“Today, I want to talk about a very talented young girl from Lisburn called Freya Terris. Freya, who is 17 years old, attends Friends' School and studies the piano under former Lisburn resident Rory Dowse. Freya is an incredibly accomplished young pianist and has performed in the Ulster Hall.”
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“First, I welcome Mr Wilson and remind him that he has big welly boots to fill after the loss of William Irwin. I am sure that you will all join me in wishing William all the very best in his retirement. I welcome Gareth and look forward to working with him on the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs. <BR /> <BR />I am absolutely delighted to stand here and celebrate what was an unprecedented Christmas period in Lagan Valley. It was all down to football, with two of our local clubs lifting major silverware on the same historic stage at Seaview. First, on Christmas Day, while some of us were nursing the flu and some of you were eating turkey and cake, Ballymacash Rangers secured their first ever Steel and Sons Cup win. The team showed amazing resilience, belief and composure in the face of stiff opposition.”
“However, we will not set aside aspects of the Good Friday Agreement for anybody's political whims.”
“That should have been separated out. If that is what the Alliance Party wants to do, that should be a separate motion in and of itself. I genuinely lament the fact that we could not simply have debated a motion on how we collectively bring leadership, collaboration and cohesion to the Executive, because the people of Northern Ireland darned well deserve that. It is not just about COVID. The first part of the motion speaks to the fact that we have not had a Government here for 12 years out of 25. That is an indictment of why we cannot govern at times. <BR /> <BR />If and when there is a serious motion to debate the reform and betterment of the Good Friday Agreement for the future prosperity and well-being of the people of Northern Ireland, my party will not be found wanting.”
“I do not actually see how one man had that power. We passed legislation. There were 90 Members in the House and an Executive. Had that Executive been functioning properly, and has there been trust among Members, we would not have been in the mess that we are discussing today. Therefore, I do not accept what the Member has said. <BR /> <BR />I agree with Mr Buckley's assertion. The second part of the motion actually asks us to disregard strand one of the Good Friday Agreement.”
“When you dynamically risk assess something such as the COVID pandemic, you do not have all the facts, so what you do is listen to those who do have the facts — the scientists and medical experts — and put your faith in the people who are giving you the best advice based on what has been proven. We are certainly not experts. We could have acted more speedily. Would we have got everything right? We absolutely would not have done because it was an imperfect storm. Nothing was going to protect —.”
“The ongoing process that we had at the very top between the DUP and Sinn Féin and the failure to put people before party became evident when we could not make decisions. I want to deal with that very quickly because I am sure that, some day, we will have a better debate about what happened during COVID. I am genuinely pleased that we had a Health Minister in Robin Swann, who did not delete his phone or WhatsApp messages and has been able to contribute fully to the COVID inquiry. I do not claim that I got everything right in the whole COVID debate. However, what I will say is that I have a background in dynamic risk assessment.”
“<BR /> <BR />I was one of the MLAs who was here during New Decade, New Approach, when we worked for weeks through talks, about 200 or 300 yards away from the Chamber, to try to restore these institutions. Part of those talks was about reform. That is hard to deliver and, if you do not deliver reform in the House with the authority of all the voices in the Chamber, you doom yourself to failure. I ask the Members who tabled the motion to reflect on the fact that it is a missed opportunity. <BR /> <BR />I want to turn to Baroness Hallett's module 2 findings for a moment or two. The findings are damning — absolutely damning. Evidence showed the clear failure of leadership in this place. Sinn Féin, evidently, failed spectacularly when it did not obey the laws that we had passed here collectively. That was not mentioned today.”
“I have a speech written, but I might digress from it because the debate has moved into a slightly different sphere. In the first instance, my party would have loved to support the first part of the motion, because it talks about the reform of the institutions for the common good. However, I listened to Mr Sheehan's speech, and he did not reference the first part of the motion at all. Sinn Féin has spotted the two parts of the motion: one to ignore and one to lean into. Now, we have looked at it from a balanced perspective. Members in the Chamber have different views on what happened during COVID and what has happened since. Sadly, the motion has lost every bit of good that it could have had.”
“Will the Minister outline why changes have not happened in the past 30 years and give a more significant and complete timeline for the full implementation of the UNCRPD and changes to the legislation?”
“On 6 December last year, we lost Mr Seán Fitzsimons, one of the most powerful disability advocates. I am sure that the Minister would recognise his loss to that piece of work and that Seán Fitzsimons would have loved to hear the news today about the potential for significant change for our disabled communities. We extend our thoughts to the family, who were mourning his loss this time last year. <BR /> <BR />Minister, this is good news — at least, it certainly has the potential to be good news — but your statement refers to "potential reform" of the DDA, which is 30 years old. As chair of the all-party group (APG) on disability, I have not heard a single person say that the DDA is not fit for purpose.”
“I do not know whether the Minister is aware of the Ballinderry War Memorial Hall in my constituency, which is a small volunteer-led community hall. Will the Minister detail how those smaller community halls will receive equitable access to the funding and support with any further application processes?”
“The Minister referred to the three pillars of people, cattle and wildlife. The reality is that inaction, over several years, means that the pressure on people, cattle and wildlife has grown, and there is also a fourth pillar: the taxpayer. It is estimated that the bill for 2024-25 will be £75 million, which is a £10 million increase on the year before. Are we looking at another £10 million increase on that bill in 2025-26, as a result of further inaction?”
“<BR /> <BR />I will finish with this: our agri-food sector does not sit in isolation. Regardless of the top-line figure, with the rural economy, whether it is about rural shops, engineering or schools, the whole economy is tied —”
“Just this year, the EU has signalled a more pragmatic approach to regionally significant sectors as it negotiates its own climate framework, and Scotland, faced with its ambitious but unrealistic pathway, adjusted its interim targets in recognition of the fact that progress must be fair, deliverable and rooted in evidence, not aspiration alone. That is not abandoning climate action; it is aligning ambition with reality. It is about ensuring that we do not force cuts in local production only to replace them with higher-carbon imports from elsewhere, and it is about protecting food security whilst moving forward. We must remain ambitious — absolutely — but we must also adopt a balanced, regionally appropriate path that recognises the unique structure of our agriculture sector and its essential role in feeding millions.”
“We see that being realised elsewhere, because new approaches and revised targets are not just within our purview here.”
“Northern Ireland has committed itself to some of the most stretching emissions targets anywhere on these islands, but targets alone do not deliver progress. It is the approach that matters. I suggest that the approach to achieving those targets is where the failings have been evidenced so far.”
“The reality is that our farmers face uncertainty over veterinary medicines from 2026, planning paralysis caused by years of unclear ammonia guidance, the prospect of more not fewer regulatory requirements from the UK and the EU and a global market that is becoming more competitive, more volatile and more influenced by climate risk. That is one that retailers and consumers are demanding action on. Those issues require clear, grown-up policymaking, not slogans, not wishful thinking and not pretending that rolling back on commitments alone will create progress. <BR /> <BR />We should remain ambitious on emissions targets, but we have to tackle that with realism and fairness and by being pragmatic.”
“Now, however, my ears have to listen to those who champion an internal regulatory border as if it was some kind of benefit to Northern Ireland. I am sorry but that stretches credibility beyond breaking point. <BR /> <BR />The Windsor framework should never have been seen or sold as a prize. It was offered by some as damage limitation, constructed perhaps because of political dishonesty that left Northern Ireland without any alternative. It was sold as avoiding a hard border on the island. However, we ended up with one in the sea. The framework brought challenges, and we should acknowledge that, but to suggest that it was created in a vacuum or that we would have been better off is false, because there was always going to be some form of arrangement. However, we have to deal in facts and not fantasies.”
“The protection of our ability to produce our food, to invest in agriculture and to ensure that regulations enable rather than paralyse innovation is at the centre of our support. However, we must remain ambitious in our climate and environmental ambition, and pragmatism must prevail. <BR /> <BR />Many of the challenges referenced in the motion, however, did not appear out of the blue, and nor were they created by the Windsor framework alone. As was picked out, they were and are the symptoms of a Brexit that was mis-sold; a Brexit that promised frictionless trade. It was a Brexit that insisted that there would be no borders on this island; nonetheless, there is one in the Irish Sea. It was a Brexit that was presented as cost-free for farmers, processors, the rural supply chain and industry. That Brexit never existed.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion. I begin by acknowledging that the one thing that we will all agree on is that food security matters but that is where the similarities in the motion and the amendment end. <BR /> <BR />In Northern Ireland, food security means more than a few lines on a page or a few words in a speech. Food security is our strategic asset. As was said, we feed around 10 million people across these islands, we sustain rural communities and our agri-food sector contributes around £5 billion in gross value added (GVA) to Northern Ireland's economy. When our farmers thrive, Northern Ireland thrives. <BR /> <BR />I offer qualified support to the DUP motion. We will oppose the Sinn Féin amendment.”
“I thank the Minister for a fulsome and honest-sounding answer. I am glad to hear that the Minister recognises the value of anaerobic digestion and biomethane in particular. Can she outline any ways in which grid connections could be advanced more quickly by using the current legislation rather than waiting for a specific biomethane strategy?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement and for contacting me at the weekend in regard to the situation. Bluetongue is happening against the backdrop of avian flu and bovine tuberculosis, and the spectre of the veterinary medicines debacle is also hanging over farmers at the moment. Is there anything that we can do to give further confidence to farmers that vaccinations will be readily available post 1 January?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. We all agree that funding is needed for transformational change, and that is in today's statement. We also know that our Departments need to be fiscally appropriate. Is the Minister content with the savings and efficiencies that are being found in each Department, given that the Minister of Health was able to find around £300 million of savings this year? Will he outline what that system looks like?”
“I will try to keep this brief. We did not mention a ban, but we suggested a review that would look at things such as notification requirements and zoning around areas such as animal sanctuaries. A review could, hopefully, pick such things out. We are trying to look at other areas and not just at taking draconian measures.”
“As I said, the amendment, whilst well intentioned, diminishes the scope and ambition of what we need to do to achieve change, so I urge Members listening to the debate to support the motion.”
“I will not. I have only one minute left, Minister. <BR /> <BR />My two party colleagues will engage more on the legislative side and point out, perhaps, the flaws and shortfalls in that. I am building the public case for change, which is why we are here. <BR /> <BR />Right now, we have very little of the first two and little of the third, but we will get to the facts and figures of that afterwards. Prevention is always better than prosecution. <BR /> <BR />The motion asks for "an urgent and comprehensive review": nothing more but, certainly, nothing less. Our constituents expect leadership, not lip service; they want safety, not stress; and they want celebration, not chaos.”
“I thank the Member for that point. The legislation should mandate education and engagement. My party colleagues —.”
“We need a strategy that, first, engages with communities, retailers, young people and online platforms. We want to see a strategy that educates people about safe use, the law and the impact of fireworks on animals and vulnerable groups. We can then move to enforcement with targeted campaigns, better reporting mechanisms and intelligence-led policing. Right now, we do very little of the first two and little of the third.”
“<BR /> <BR />Cats Protection also calls for restricting the use of fireworks to licensed public events at set times of the year; ensuring that local authorities consider the proximity of rehoming centres, farms and rescue centres; reducing the maximum permitted noise levels to 90 decibels; restricting online sales; and supporting alternative displays, such as drones and low-noise options. Arguably, those are practical, proportionate and enforceable measures for some, and they come from respected charities. They are not radical proposals, and they are not necessarily what we propose. What we are saying is that the call today is backed by animal advocacy groups and they are coming up with solutions. <BR /> <BR />The amendment focuses on punishment, whereas our motion calls for prevention, which is always a better strategy.”
“The results for Northern Ireland could not be clearer: 95% of respondents want fireworks to be restricted to licensed displays; 93% want limits on dates and times; 83% say that fireworks have a negative impact on their lives due to their pets' distress; 83% want more regulation; 76% feel unsafe during private, unregulated displays; 70% support the sale of low-noise fireworks only; and 31% support a complete ban. When 95% of people in Northern Ireland agree on anything, the Assembly should sit up and listen.”
“I say that "robust" does not mean "effective", and it certainly does not mean "adequate". We have robust rules on paper, yet little public awareness of them; we have robust penalties, yet little enforcement of them; and we have robust licensing requirements, yet an explosion, literally, of unlicensed fireworks in our communities this year. A system that is robust but ineffective is not a system worth defending. The evidence is clear: the public want change. <BR /> <BR />A number of pet advocacy groups have contacted me. Dogs Trust commissioned a UK-wide YouGov poll in October 2025.”
“To those supporting the amendment, which says that fireworks regulation in Northern Ireland is:”
“I absolutely concur with the Member. That is one of the reasons that I am looking to hear more about the amendment. The legislation at the moment does not lean towards engagement and education, which is where, if we see change, the real benefits will materialise in the future. <BR /> <BR />The Explosives (Fireworks) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2002 are now 23 years old, which is older than many of the young people who are setting off fireworks. The regulations were written in a world in which the retail market was entirely different. Online sales were not a factor, cross-border flows were smaller and the range of available fireworks was much less powerful. Our legislation is being outpaced by how fireworks are being marketed, sold and used.”
“There are then, of course, our ordinary neighbours, who simply want peace in their home. <BR /> <BR />Those are not isolated incidents or rare events but predictable outcomes of a system that allows the widespread private use of powerful fireworks —.”
“The victims of the irresponsible use of unregulated fireworks are not a small or niche group. They include pets, especially cats and dogs, whose hearing is multiple times more sensitive than our own; farm animals, which are already stressed by unpredictable weather and farming pressures and can become agitated, leading to milk production going down and, at certain times of the year, dangers in pregnancies; wildlife, for which the bursts of light and noise are disorientating and sometimes fatal; older people, particularly those living alone, who experience fireworks as fear rather than as festivity; babies and young people, whose developing nervous systems are sensitive to loud, unexpected and, this year, concerted high noise levels; and people living with PTSD, including former or serving members of our security forces, for whom the sound of explosive bangs is not entertainment and could be re-traumatising.”
“Many of us will have read the recent report in 'The Irish News' about Rosie, the much-loved dog from Ballyclare, whose owner said that she suffered a stroke that was brought on by sheer terror after a night of intense fireworks. The family described Rosie as shaking uncontrollably and panicking and said that she never recovered from the ordeal. Their vet confirmed that the stress that Rosie endured was consistent with the kind of anxiety-induced collapse that the family had witnessed. Those fireworks were therefore not a celebration but a harm. <BR /> <BR />We are certainly not trying to be the fun police. Fireworks used appropriately in the right environment can be something to enjoy, but we cannot ignore the inescapable truth, which is that their impact is real, widespread and, in many cases, severe. <BR /> <BR />Who is affected?”
“Another person — a parent — wrote to me to say:”
“The next day, my inbox, phone and social media were overwhelmed. I had never before witnessed the scale of concern from across Northern Ireland emanate from a Halloween celebration. The power, volume and frequency of fireworks set off in back gardens and on street corners was unlike anything that I had experienced before. Households that had never previously purchased fireworks suddenly seemed to have access to powerful, high-noise devices that, frankly, did not look or sound like the types of garden fireworks that are normally available. That is exactly why constituents have told me that they know that there is an issue. One lady who wrote to me after watching a video that I had posted on social media said:”
“That is not a strategy or a programme of reform. It is certainly not the comprehensive response that I believe that the people who have contacted me are looking for. It is, at best, a tiny slice of the answer. I will, however, listen to the debate to learn more about the amendment. The truth is that we cannot simply enforce our way out of the problem. Rather, we have to engage properly with the problem and be properly educated about it, and we are not properly regulating in 2025 if we are using legislation from 2002. <BR /> <BR />If Members think back to a couple of weeks ago, they will realise that it was a Halloween like no other. I know that because I was out with my own children during the celebrations, and there were extreme explosions in the urban area that I was in. The noise was disconcerting even for my children.”
“I rise to propose the motion to the House. Whilst I welcome the sentiment behind the amendment, I fear that I may not be able to support it because at this point — we have a debate to come — it falls short of what our constituents expect of us, what our animal welfare organisations are pleading for and what our communities clearly need. <BR /> <BR />The amendment narrows the debate to one issue: penalties. It proposes that we:”
“I thank the Minister for his answer and for bringing accuracy to the issue. The last thing that we want to do is cause undue alarm. However, the fact that the temporary engagement form regime still exists leaves some risk. Is the Minister content that that is a manageable risk, or will he take steps to change the process so that no one is working in schools without the requisite AccessNI clearance?”
“<BR /> <BR />Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, with those comments, I confirm that the Ulster Unionist Party will support the regulations and our ongoing commitment to Northern Ireland's farming families, our countryside and our shared future.”
“However, our support comes with a long-term vision: food security, energy security, climate responsibility and economic opportunity all working together for our rural areas. We cannot pit one against the other. Northern Ireland has the opportunity to lead the way: from better genetics to better soils; from sustainable livestock to the development of anaerobic digestion technologies, biogas capacity and decarbonised rural energy settings; and in systems that complement, not compete with, food production. Our farming future must be one of resilience, innovation and fairness. The scheme is not perfect — no scheme ever is — but it is a step towards equipping our agri-food sector for the challenges and opportunities for the next generation.”
“<BR /> <BR />There are, however, areas where the Minister has listened, and that listening matters. The reduction in the minimum land size requirement from 5 hectares to 3 hectares is a victory for common sense and fairness, and we thank the Minister for that. It ensures that smaller family farms — the backbone of our rural economy — are not pushed out or penalised simply because of scale. Likewise, the Minister's assurances to the hundreds of farmers who have been caught in the historical years issue will offer some confidence. I assume that that will only apply in 2026 and that, going forward, the scheme will operate annually, with the ability to buy and sell and purchase entitlements, therefore restoring eligibility. <BR /> <BR />The Ulster Unionist Party supports the scheme because it supports farm families.”
“That includes, importantly, helping to reduce the spread and impact of bovine TB, which we have talked about many, many times in the Chamber. Fewer sick animals, lower losses and a lower carbon footprint are wins not simply for farm families but for the economy and the environment that we share. <BR /> <BR />I appreciate that conditionality has raised concerns, and it should. I have consistently made it clear that any new requirements must be introduced fairly, proportionately and with proper support. Farmers must know what is expected of them and have access to the training and tools that are needed to meet those expectations. We welcome CAFRE's commitment to communication, training and awareness events, because no farmer should ever fall into penalty through confusion or lack of information.”
“However, that is the reality of trying to strike a balance between providing a dependable basic payment that protects farm viability and driving the broader ambition for a better environmental stewardship programme, improved soil health, lower carbon emissions and long-term farm sustainability. I am sure that most Members recognise that reconciling all those aims is difficult, but it is necessary if we are serious about the future of Northern Ireland and food production here. <BR /> <BR />A key part of that in the presentations must be the bovine genetics programme. It is here that some of the greatest long-tail benefits can be realised, and we should be very confident and clear when we speak about it. Better genetics mean more efficient livestock, improved fertility, reduced methane intensity and stronger disease resistance.”
“It is the culmination of a suite of support consultations launched by the then Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs, Edwin Poots, back in 2021. It is equally right to acknowledge that the conditionalities that were proposed at that time, which are perhaps the most difficult part of the regulations, have been the most technically challenging to get our heads around. That would secure assurances, clarity and workable timetables. It has taken the Department time to develop that and to provide confidence not just to us as legislators but to the farming and agri-food sector.”
“<BR /> <BR />In conclusion, before I add my own words, the Committee was unable to recommend that the draft Farm Sustainability Payment Scheme (Eligibility etc) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025 be approved by the Assembly, but Committee members will get their chance to vote on the regulations and speak in the debate. <BR /> <BR />On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party. I am grateful for the opportunity to speak on the draft Farm Sustainability Payment Scheme (Eligibility etc) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2025. I do so in a spirit that is firm, constructive and rooted in the Ulster Unionist Party's unwavering support for our farming families, our agri-food sector and the future resilience of Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />At the outset, it is right to recognise that the scheme was not created overnight.”
“Concerns were expressed that that would be viewed as a disincentive to progress for larger farms with no alternative income sources, which may require higher levels of investment and therefore carry a greater risk of debt, given their size, and that it may also place a brake on entrepreneurism in that vital sector. <BR /> <BR />I hope that I have reflected the concerns raised by the Committee about the regulations. In short, those opposed to them, including me at that point, were really concerned about the balance between incentives and capping, penalties and conditionalities. As I mentioned earlier, Committee members will, I am sure, add their own thoughts and considerations.”
“The Committee was pleased to note that the College of Agriculture, Food and Rural Enterprise (CAFRE) is planning communication, promotions, training and awareness events on aspects of the conditionality for farmers, agents and other agriprofessionals to ensure that farmers can avoid finding themselves in a position where a penalty would be applied. However, the Committee does not agree that the carrot and the stick are balanced in that case. <BR /> <BR />On the matter of progressive capping, officials advised that that feature will be introduced, as it is believed that high support payments can encourage unwarranted risk-taking and reduce the incentive to manage risk within the farm business.”