Edwin Poots
South Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“I call Mr Eóin Tennyson. Again, this is Mr Tennyson's first opportunity to speak as a private Member, so I remind the House that it is convention that a maiden speech be made without interruption. However, if you choose to express views that provoke an interruption, you are likely to forfeit that protection.”
“Sorry — Ms Armstrong. My apologies. <BR /> <BR />That the Assembly could, in some way, get that money out when it is a UK Government responsibility. The UK Government have distributed it directly in Scotland and Wales, not through the Welsh Parliament and not through the Scottish Parliament.”
“I have not got time; I am sorry. <BR /> <BR />Ursula von der Leyen, who was in the Republic last week, made some of the most ridiculous claims about the British Government, who have supported Ukraine in a way that no other Government in Europe have and who have never engaged in the activity that was suggested by Ursula von der Leyen.”
“Today, a lot of statements have been made but there has not been a lot of fact behind a lot of what has been said. We have Michelle O'Neill, who walked out of her role as Health Minister — not for six months but for three years — and abandoned her position when we had Bengoa and there were all the problems with nursing that led to the str…”
“I need to deal with the issues first. <BR /> <BR />He referred to the Budget that he produced. No party supported that Budget. The Alliance Party did not support it, because it did not cover policing and prisons. Infrastructure did not support it, because it would not allow it to do the basics of what had to be done.”
“We had a circumstance where Sinn Féin repeated, month after month after month, that there were hundreds of millions to give to the public when that did not exist and when, in reality, Minister Murphy was racking up debt that will roll into next year, which will ensure that that will be a difficult financial year.”
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“I will be very happy to. I will clarify whether everybody else is happy with that, and, if that is the case, I will do that. The more things are in the open, the better — where possible. <BR /> <BR />For Northern Ireland to reach a net emissions reductions target of at least 82% requires a percentage reduction greater than is required in the rest of the UK to reach net zero. By way of example, Scotland is almost halfway to net zero emissions, having achieved a 45% reduction by 2018. Unfortunately, Northern Ireland is only a quarter of the way to reaching an at least 82% reduction; it had achieved only 20% by 2018. We are starting behind, and we need to recognise that and reflect it. An at least 82% emissions reduction is in no way lacking ambition; we actually have to do a lot more than others across the UK to do that.”
“Yes. I would like to get on with this, but go ahead.”
“I am very grateful to the Member for elevating me to being an expert. I have to burst that bubble: I am not an expert, but I listen to expert advice. When we pay for and employ expert advice, we do well to pay attention to it. The Climate Change Committee gave very powerful evidence to the Executive on Thursday. People had the opportunity to pose questions. There were no questions asked that the Climate Change Committee did not effectively deal with. I encourage others, including the AERA Committee, to engage with the Climate Change Committee. The Member will have the opportunity to speak to real experts: the scientists who are involved there. I trust that he will give respect to the science on the issue and accept it.”
“That food will be produced somewhere that produces even more emissions and carbon. You will have taken that somewhere else. It may be good to salve the conscience, but it is not good for the economy, nor is it good for the environment. That is the challenge facing all of us, including the folks on the other side of the Chamber. We need to produce climate change legislation that takes account of the reality in Northern Ireland — the fact that we are a significant food-producing region — and looks at how we can continue to produce large quantities of food. The population of the world is going to rise; it is expected to put on another 2 billion by 2050. We continue to produce good-quality food, but we do it in a way that has minimum impact on the environment.”
“Yes, there certainly is economic opportunity, particularly in hydrogen. Given that we have already achieved 45% renewable energy, and with the opportunities that are open to us for further renewable energy, I believe that Northern Ireland can lead the way in hydrogen. I raised that issue with Kwasi Kwarteng, the UK Secretary of State at the Department of Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS), again this afternoon. There are tremendous opportunities, and I believe that not just the farming community but the community in general is up for the challenges. However, to meet those challenges, we do not close down farms here or stop folks on farms here — particularly those on marginalised farms and in less-favoured areas, such as hill farmers — producing food. Food still has to be produced, because consumption has not disappeared.”
“It is a brave consultancy organisation that would predict that we will receive the same subsidies in 20 years' time as we do now. Essentially, we want to make the production of food a more profitable exercise and one that creates massive employment across Northern Ireland. There are many steps that we can take to ensure that farming responds to the needs around climate change, water quality and a better environment in general. In doing that, I am very hopeful that we will have other products to sell, such as methane, phosphates and even ammonia, and that we will be able to create circumstances in which farming can become more profitable and, at the same time, better for the environment.”
“Many thousands of jobs would be lost as a consequence, and there would be a huge loss to our economic output.”
“That is an extraordinarily high price for the public of Northern Ireland to pay, especially as, while it would decimate key parts of our economy, it would not actually reduce global emissions due to offshoring of our emissions to elsewhere to meet food demand. <BR /> <BR />Indeed, you may also have seen the recent independent report by KPMG on the impact of the 2045 net zero target in the private Member's Bill. The findings in the report are shocking and will reaffirm the scientific evidence that the Climate Change Committee and I have put into the public domain regarding the impact of the net zero target. The KPMG report shows that there could be a reduction in cattle and sheep numbers of up to 86%. Therefore, traditional grass-based family farming systems would be wiped out if net zero by 2045 was applied in Northern Ireland.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let me put that phenomenal cost into a clear context by highlighting the findings of the draft regulatory impact assessment (RIA), which was carried out by my Department. The indicative net cost of the Executive Bill's provisions between 2022 and 2050, including the at least net 82% 2050 emissions reduction target, is estimated to be over £4 billion or, in yearly terms, approximately £140 million per annum. <BR /> <BR />In contrast, a similar Bill with a target of net zero by 2050, a whole five years later than 2045, is predicted to cost a staggering £30 billion-plus between 2022 and 2050. That is an approximate annual cost of over £1 billion per year. The budget of every Northern Ireland Department, including Health, would be affected by that.”
“In addition, the green growth strategy, which I hope to launch for consultation in the coming weeks, will be one of the key delivery mechanisms for the Bill's aims. The strategy will address how we plan to ensure a just transition towards a low-emissions society. <BR /> <BR />I want to focus again on the targets in the Bill. It is vital that we include the right targets in our climate change legislation. The Climate Change Committee has identified that a net zero target for Northern Ireland would not be credible and that setting such a target would be morally wrong. As I have previously highlighted in the Chamber, the additional costs of meeting a 2050 net zero target compared with the target in my Bill could be up to £900 million per annum, according to the Climate Change Committee's estimates.”
“All those reports would be laid in the Assembly, and, in that regard, the Assembly would be kept well informed of the progress being made to reduce emissions. I have purposely kept the Bill focused on elements that are essential for effective climate change legislation. The Bill does not specify that targets need to be put in place in order to address other environmental issues, such as water quality or biodiversity, because there are other statutory drivers for that. A number of strategies and plans are in place to deliver in such areas. <BR /> <BR />Moreover, the environment as a whole and, in particular, water, soil and biodiversity quality will benefit from the actions that are required to be delivered under the Bill to meet carbon budgets and emissions reduction targets.”
“<BR /> <BR />The committee would also have to produce reports after the interim emissions reductions targets in 2030 and 2040 have passed. In those reports, the committee would have to provide its views on whether any future emissions reduction targets set by the Bill are the highest achievable targets for Northern Ireland and, if not, what the highest achievable targets would be and what further measurements would be required in order to meet such targets. The Climate Change Committee would also provide interim progress reports on Northern Ireland climate change adaption plans. Adaption is an important part of climate action. <BR /> <BR />My Department would be required to prepare a response incorporating input from other Northern Ireland Departments to each of the reports produced by the Climate Change Committee.”
“My Bill would place further duties on them in relation to such actions being taken in Northern Ireland; thus, they would act as independent scrutinisers of the progress being made to deliver on the Bill's commitments. <BR /> <BR />The approach to scrutiny in my Bill would mirror the approach taken in the rest of the UK and, indeed, in the Republic of Ireland, where there is only one advisory body with a clear role. The Climate Change Committee would have to produce reports after each budgetary period, providing a scrutiny view of the actions that have been taken to reduce the emissions in the period as well as a scrutiny view on the progress that has been made towards meeting future carbon budgets and targets by Northern Ireland.”
“The Bill also includes enabling powers to bring forward future legislation on public bodies and their climate change reporting duties. That is important, because all public bodies need to focus on how they can adapt to and mitigate the effects of climate change. <BR /> <BR />Schedule 1 to the Bill covers the reporting duties that would be placed on the Climate Change Committee. I fully understand the importance of having robust independent scrutiny. Those on the Climate Change Committee are the independent experts in the assessment and scrutiny of the efforts and actions on climate change by the UK and devolved Governments. They already have that statutory role under the UK Climate Change Act 2008.”
“The Bill would require interim reports to set out what progress has been made on the implementation of proposals and policies. It would require final statements on carbon budgets, including assessments of the extent to which the proposals and policies for meeting the carbon budgets have been implemented. That would ensure a high level of scrutiny and assessment of progress through each carbon budget period. <BR /> <BR />Where a carbon budget has not been met, a further report would be required to be laid before the Assembly setting out the proposals and policies to compensate for excess emissions. Further statements would be required on each of the emission reduction targets, and those statements must include the reasons why a target has or has not been met.”
“Those reports will cover the areas that fall under the responsibility of each Northern Ireland Department, and all Departments will be required to provide the relevant input and support to assist in the development of the reports.”
“That transparent and clear approach is in contrast to the private Member's Bill on climate change, which places no duties on any Department to take action to achieve that target in the Bill. <BR /> <BR />Part 2 of the Bill covers carbon budgets. Those are important tools in limiting emissions over a defined period in order to keep us on a pathway of achieving the targets in the Bill. The approach adopted is in line with the UK approach, and the carbon budgets will be set based on advice provided by the Climate Change Committee, with the first period beginning in 2023. <BR /> <BR />Part 3 of the Bill covers reporting requirements against targets and budgets set by or under the Bill. A key requirement for my Department will be the production of reports that set out the proposals and policies for meeting the carbon budget for each period.”
“It then outlines how we will measure our emissions and provides important powers to bring forward future legislation to cover a potential carbon accounting scheme and legislation on how emissions from international aviation and international shipping will contribute to our overall measurement of emissions. Those are fundamental building blocks of effective climate change legislation. Responsibility for meeting the targets in the Bill is placed on all Northern Ireland Departments, and those duties are further clarified in Part 5 of the Bill. That approach is essential because all Northern Ireland Departments can and must assist in efforts to tackle climate change.”
“The basis of a compromise has been agreed. I wrote to Clare to seek her agreement on the proposed way forward, and I await a response. I hope for a positive outcome and will update Members, as appropriate. However, I want to be clear: based on current evidence, I cannot support, nor will I agree to, a net zero target, as it is aspirational and, therefore, not real at this time. <BR /> <BR />The purpose of the debate today is to focus purely on the principles of the Bill that I introduced in July. I will now turn to the detail of that. <BR /> <BR />Part 1 of the Bill focuses on emissions reduction targets.”
“I am very hopeful that such developments will take place and that we will be in a position to make the targets more ambitious in the future. The Bill is, therefore, based on current evidence, but it is also future-proofed to allow us to react to what, I hope, will be positive developments. <BR /> <BR />I know that Members have expressed concerns about two climate change Bills passing through the Assembly at the same time. It can cause confusion, and it has significant resource implications for the AERA Committee and the Assembly. I recognise those concerns and met Clare Bailey, as the lead sponsor of the private Member's Bill, to discuss the matter. I then instructed my officials to work with Clare and her team to develop a compromise that would involve incorporating some elements of the private Member's Bill into the Executive Bill.”
“It has also been clear that we must legislate for a credible, evidence-based target in Northern Ireland, and, in its view, a net zero target cannot be credibly set for Northern Ireland at this time. <BR /> <BR />I want to be clear: I would like Northern Ireland to achieve net zero emissions as soon as possible through a balanced pathway and a just transition; however, the available evidence indicates that that will not be possible by 2050, never mind 2045. My Bill sets a target of an at least 82% net reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, with interim targets for 2030 and 2040. Crucially, however, the Bill allows for those targets to be modified should updated advice recommend it or if it is appropriate to do so as a result of significant scientific, technological or legal developments relative to climate change.”
“I want to deliver on the commitments that the Executive made in the New Decade, New Approach agreement, and the Bill before the House will do so. <BR /> <BR />The Bill has a strong focus on greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets and puts in place a legal framework for Northern Ireland policymakers and decision makers to build on. The Bill includes ambitious and challenging targets that have been recommended by the UK Climate Change Committee; a committee that is the world-renowned, independent statutory advisory body to the UK and devolved Governments on climate change. The Climate Change Committee has been and is very demanding of the UK Government, and it will not be slow to criticise any lack of action on our part.”
“<BR /> <BR />I engaged with the UK Climate Change Committee (CCC), within one month of taking office, to start the process of identifying what would be appropriate as long-term emission reduction targets for Northern Ireland. As part of the process of developing legislation to set out such targets, my Department undertook policy analysis work and issued a consultation on a potential Northern Ireland climate change Bill in December 2020. Since then, my officials have been working to analyse the responses to the consultation, agree the policy objectives and develop a draft Bill. <BR /> <BR />Bringing forward a cross-cutting Executive Bill on an issue of this importance in that timescale has been very challenging, but developing the right legislation cannot be rushed.”
“From the outset, I have committed additional resources in my Department to take forward work on climate change adaption and mitigation and in preparation for the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26). I have prioritised the development of a cross-cutting green growth strategy, which is being led by my Department on behalf of the entire Executive, and that strategy will map out the actions that we must take to meet sector-specific greenhouse gas emission reduction targets, which will deliver a cleaner environment, lead to more efficient use of our resources within a circular economy and provide more green jobs.”
“First, I would like to thank my Executive colleagues for their support in bringing the Bill to the Assembly, and I look forward to working with Members and the Committee for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in progressing it further. <BR /> <BR />Climate change is an issue that affects everyone in Northern Ireland — indeed, everyone on the planet — and it requires both a global and a local response. As politicians, we have a duty to take action to mitigate the impact of climate change and to move towards a more sustainable economic and environmental model where both can prosper. <BR /> <BR />Since my appointment as Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in 2020, I have made climate change top priority in my Department. There may be some in the Chamber who wish to contest that, but my actions speak for themselves.”
“I welcome the fact that the majority of the Assembly appear to be in favour of it, and I encourage the SDLP, Alliance and People Before Profit to come on board with the rest of us.”
“We fund and support it, and we believe that it is important to build up those species and promote biodiversity here in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />The same Member talked about the loss of wildflower meadows and other habitat. A lot of the habitat lost in Northern Ireland was down to the EU's policy, in that all land that farmers included in their single farm payment application had to be useable for the growing of grass or crops. Therefore, it was the EU that almost enforced a lot of the biodiversity loss through its policy. So, again, we will make our own policy, which will better reflect the needs of the environment and biodiversity, and we will have more independent scrutiny of that than ever before. <BR /> <BR />This is a good news story today.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is a lot of legislation on pollution, and more will come forward, but, again, independent courts are often responsible for its implementation. If there is an issue, the courts are where the problem lies, because many of the fines are large. <BR /> <BR />Mrs Kelly raised the issue of the curlew population. We are working extensively with the RSPB in a number of areas to improve species such as our ground-nesting birds. People who suggest that wilding, for example, would be a better way forward are people who get it entirely wrong. Through work that is being done with the RSPB and local farmers in places such as Glenwhirry in north Antrim and County Fermanagh, we are seeing real progress with some of those species, including curlew, and we are committed to that course of work.”
“I have laid one of those before the House, and I trust that he will support it. <BR /> <BR />Mr Carroll also referred to the dredging of Lough Neagh, which was dealt with by previous Ministers. Lough Neagh is not being dredged. Sand is being extracted from it, and that sand is needed to build homes for people. If we do not take sand from Lough Neagh, will we import it from somewhere else, such as the Severn? Is it more environmentally friendly to do that? Does he not think that people should live in homes? Perhaps he has some better place for the population to live, rather than building homes for them. I heard him complaining about the housing crises in north and west Belfast and other places, but he does not want the sand needed to build the houses that he wants people to live in.”
“<BR /> <BR />I also reiterate that, to give further assurance, I asked the UK Government to table amendments to the guidance provisions that require DAERA to lay a draft of any proposed Northern Ireland guidance in the Assembly, which will have 21 days to consider whether it wishes to pass a resolution on that guidance. DAERA must then respond to the resolution and lay that response with the final guidance in the Assembly. Therefore, what I propose is a democratic process as opposed to the EU's undemocratic process, which Members who are complaining actually seem to love very much. <BR /> <BR />Mr Carroll addressed a series of issues that was totally unrelated to the issues in front of us today. There is nothing entirely unusual about that. I remind him that the Bill does not deal with carbon, because it is not a climate change Bill.”
“Indeed, the independent Public Services Ombudsman is one such body. You can hardly claim to be stripping away someone's independence by assisting the oversight body to go in one direction or another. There is no threat to the OEP's independence. <BR /> <BR />In addition, the OEP is not strictly bound by the guidance, which, in any case, must comply with the statutory duty on the Department to protect the OEP's independence. Furthermore, it is entirely possible that circumstances may arise in the future in which the OEP may seek guidance from the Department, and we need to be in a place to be able to offer it that.”
“The ground that the guidance covers is so narrow, covering the definition of "seriousness", overlap with other bodies and the prioritisation of work areas.”
“That particular body, which has no accountability and total independence, ended up in the mouth of the courts because of a policy that it had created. It pulled out of that court hearing and agreed to do certain things. Essentially, however, that body caused a crippling effect for people who want to do some development on their farms, including farmers who will reduce ammonia emissions in areas such as East Londonderry and Upper Bann. I remind the SDLP of that. <BR /> <BR />Mr Blair referred to the issue of the guidance that we seek to have the ability to offer. I should say that the guidance is exceptionally narrow. It is not a power grab, and it is fairly evident that that is the case. Concerns about the guidance centre on the Department undermining the independence of the OEP.”
“It therefore strikes me as somewhat rich for the SDLP to be looking for greater accountability when we are in fact establishing independent environmental protection oversight here. The SDLP was perfectly happy to have the European Commission, which is not an independent body at all, oversee that particular role. That is the work that we are taking on and that is whom we are taking it off, so this is a significant step forward for independence, for the environment and for democracy. <BR /> <BR />I note that the SDLP has a bit of a track record here, because it was an SDLP Minister who produced the body called Shared Environmental Services, about which Mrs Barton, for example, raises issues with me regularly.”
“I thank all the Members who have taken the time to comment on the issue. I appreciate their giving their thoughts on the matter. I welcome the fact that a significant majority of Members are in support of what is proposed for the Bill, and I will deal with those who have spoken against it. <BR /> <BR />The SDLP suggests that we should deal with such matters as devolved issues at a local level. Coming from the SDLP, that strikes me as being a little rich, given that such matters were previously dealt with by the European Commission, a body of unelected politicians, which is appointed to do the job with extensive and, indeed, growing powers and always takes on more power for itself without accountability.”
“DEFRA officials have stated that they will engage with relevant NI Departments in taking forward the secondary legislation and in conducting a second UK public consultation during the autumn of this year. Apart from their individual merits, the provisions ensure that a consistent legislative approach is taken across the jurisdictions in which the Office for Environmental Protection will operate and that a regime designed to protect forest risk commodities globally can be implemented on a UK-wide basis. Accordingly, I commend the motion to the House.”
“<BR /> <BR />Responses to the DEFRA-led UK consultation exercise, which included companies that trade in Northern Ireland, were overwhelmingly in favour of introducing legislation. The implementation of forest risk commodities provisions in the Environment Bill will require the introduction of secondary legislation from the UK, which is to be taken forward by DEFRA. That does not affect NI's remit to establish its own domestic forest policy. <BR /> <BR />The most important aspects for Northern Ireland will be the turnover threshold for the forest risk commodities and any monitoring and enforcement that falls to Northern Ireland Departments.”
“<BR /> <BR />The proposed legislation will require those companies, in scope, to undertake due diligence regarding risks of illegal deforestation in their supply chains and require them to publish information about their due diligence checks. It will introduce measures and send a signal that there is no place in the UK market for products associated with illegal deforestation. The UK Government wish to support the efforts of Governments in producer countries to tackle the problem. Many larger companies trading in forest risk commodities operate at a UK level and supply products to the NI market. To achieve that aim, it is therefore important that the legislation introducing due diligence applies in Northern Ireland as it does elsewhere in the UK.”
“I have agreed that course of action in respect of NI, subject, of course, to the Assembly's consent. <BR /> <BR />I will move on to the new provisions on the use of forest risk commodities in commercial activities. The UK consumes significant amounts of commodities known as forest risk commodities, and the rapid expansion in their use can be associated with global deforestation. That is often in contravention of laws in countries of origin. The risks include soya, cocoa, palm oil, rubber, beef and leather and are found in many UK retail foods, cleaning products and cosmetics. I am seeking the consent of the Assembly for the UK Parliament to introduce legislation that is intended to prohibit larger companies from using agricultural commodities that have not been produced in line with laws in the countries of origin.”
“That additional level of scrutiny was also suggested in a number of stakeholder responses to the DAERA discussion document on the plans, principles and governance provisions of the Environment Bill. <BR /> <BR />As some Members are aware, events took a different turn during the Lords Report Stage, with an amendment being accepted that removed the power for DAERA to issue guidance. In turn, that preluded the moving of the amendment that provided for Assembly scrutiny. While I believe that the Lords took that decision with the best of intentions, I do not believe that it was the right decision. The UK Government have made it clear that they intend to reinstate the powers of the DEFRA Secretary of State to issue guidance to the OEP when the Bill returns to the Commons, along with the provisions for parliamentary and Assembly scrutiny.”
“It is not intended to be used proactively, and it cannot be used to direct the OEP to take a particular course of action in specific cases. <BR /> <BR />I am aware that some concerns have been expressed that the provision somehow erodes the independence of the OEP. While I believe those concerns to be exaggerated, the UK Government and I agreed to table further amendments at the Lords Report Stage, when they were due to be considered on 8 September. Those further amendments will afford the UK Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly the opportunity to scrutinise any draft guidance that is produced by the Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and DAERA respectively and to make recommendations before the final guidance is prepared and laid before the relevant legislature.”
“The OEP's independent monitoring, reporting and other functions are not affected by the amendment, which allows DAERA to issue guidance only on the OEP's enforcement functions and then only on certain enforcement matters that are set out in the Bill. <BR /> <BR />The guidance is on the meaning of "serious" when the OEP assesses compliance with environment law and damage to the natural environment or human health; how it intends to exercise its enforcement functions to avoid overlap with other statutory regimes, including the Northern Ireland Public Services Ombudsman (NIPSO); and how the OEP decides on the prioritisation of cases. Even with that limited scope, the ability to issue guidance is a safeguard if there are concerns about the OEP's approach or, indeed, if it requests guidance.”
“When the OEP provisions are commenced in Northern Ireland, new clause 25A in the most recent printed version of the Bill will be inserted via an amendment to schedule 3 to the Bill. The amendment inserts a power to enable DAERA to issue guidance to the OEP on specific matters relating to its enforcement policy and functions as set out in the Bill. The OEP is required to have regard to that guidance. That provision was introduced at the Commons Report Stage and mirrors a power for the Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs to issue similar guidance for England and for reserved matters. <BR /> <BR />The OEP will, subject to Assembly approval on commencement, assume an independent environmental oversight role in Northern Ireland, holding public authorities to account for the proper implementation of environmental law.”
“The amendments relevant to Northern Ireland's devolved matters are set out in annex A. That is a legislative consent memorandum, which, with the agreement of my Executive colleagues, was laid in the Assembly on 9 September. The amendments mostly fall within the scope of the motion that was passed on 30 June last year. However, amendments introducing powers for DAERA to issue guidance to the Office for Environmental Protection (OEP) and provisions relating to the use of forest risk commodities in commercial activity are new. I am, therefore, seeking further legislative consent for those specific matters. <BR /> <BR />The first matter for which I am seeking the consent of the Assembly for the UK Parliament to legislate is a new power for DAERA to issue guidance to the Office for Environmental Protection in respect of its enforcement policy.”
“No deference required for me. I am just the same as I have always been, and I do not intend to change, but thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />I am grateful for the opportunity to bring forward the motion and to speak about amendments to the Environment Bill in two specific areas. The Environment Bill is a significant and wide-ranging UK Government Bill containing a number of clauses relating to Northern Ireland devolved matters. On 30 June 2020, the Assembly debated and agreed the merits of a motion to grant legislative consent on the provisions relating to devolved matters. I am grateful to the Members and, indeed, to the AERA Committee, for their positive engagement at that time. <BR /> <BR />A number of amendments to the Bill were agreed as it made its ways through successive parliamentary stages.”
“It therefore becomes more challenging for us on that front. Nonetheless, it is right that people who have demonstrated that they are cruel to animals should not have the capacity to keep them. A register that people can look at to see whether an individual who is keeping an animal is banned from keeping animals will enable people to act on that information. It will be easier for councils and others to act on it as well.”
“I have not, because Justice has indicated that some of the material poses a difficultly for it due to GDPR and the legality of giving out such information.”
“I will just respond to the first comment: the protocol is not of our making. It is a political decision that is being implemented. It is not protecting the European Union single market because the goods are staying in Northern Ireland. Therefore, the goods coming from Great Britain for customers to buy in stores in Upper Bann pose no threat to the single market. You should stand up for your people in Upper Bann. <BR /> <BR />We have put the animal welfare register to the Department of Justice and have indicated our desire to proceed with it. The Department of Justice has indicated that there are issues; I do not entirely accept that. Nonetheless, that is where it lies.”
“The legal advice is that I should take it to the Executive. It is not my decision to make.”
“There is a proposal on that with the Department of Finance. That will go to the Executive for consideration.”