Matthew O'Toole
South Belfast · Social Democratic and Labour Party · Northern Ireland
“I appreciate my colleague's giving way. Unfortunately, I was not here for all of the Minister's remarks — like her, I have been in the Chamber for a lot of today, so I had to pop out and attend to some other business. I presume that the Member will agree that these provisions could be more properly included in the Sentencing Bill.”
“Clearly, however, the regulatory and enforcement regime for all those watercourses and marine environments is way out of date ecologically and, indeed, economically.”
“We learned about the antics of Jeffrey Donaldson that were not criminal — so far — only after his conviction. Reporters have been able to go and find that information and people have been able to speak — felt able to speak — because Mr Donaldson has been sent to prison, convicted of appalling crimes, and is therefore less likely to seek r…”
“We are pleased, in broad terms, to support it at Second Stage. We welcome the move towards an approach to fisheries management that is ecosystem-based rather than narrowly species-based.”
“We were robust in opposing those who were not willing to deal with the nutrients action plan, for example, which should have been a core part of dealing with Lough Neagh. Of course, the farming industry needed to be engaged, and the Minister has been doing a lot of that work recently.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. In just a few hours' time, the House will go into recess for more than two months. There are two outstanding and grave matters that the public in Northern Ireland want us to deal with, but we are walking away, so I want your advice on Standing Orders.”
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“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I detected a slight note of ennui when you called me. Perhaps you have heard some of my arguments previously. I say that in the nicest possible way: I am not challenging the Chair. <BR /> <BR />The point that I have been making in my remarks is about delivery. I make no apology at all for being robust when talking about delivery. I was slightly intrigued to hear colleagues from the DUP and Sinn Féin accuse me of playing politics. Of course, no Sinn Féin or DUP politician ever does that. Look: mea culpa. I am happy to stand accused of petty politicking by Sinn Féin and the DUP. <BR /> <BR />I will respond to some remarks that were made. It was actually a really constructive debate, and there is a lot to which I want to respond. Nicola Brogan accused me of political point-scoring.”
“We mention specific flagship projects in the motion — I will come back to Mr Brett's comments in my winding-up speech — but that is not to exclude the loads of other flagship projects. Is it not the point that, whether it is Casement Park, the York Street interchange or whatever else, if there is no plan, there is no road map, no clarity and no certainty? Having a target and putting down a marker creates focus. That is the point whatever the project is and whatever specific issues relate to that project.”
“I appreciate the Member's giving way. We will not do that, because we think that meeting our climate targets is essential. However, in order to deliver on your climate targets in a way that is consistent with investment, you need an investment strategy, because that will, in part, help to convince a court that the Executive have a credible plan to meet those targets alongside infrastructure development. That probably would have helped in the A5 case.”
“All of that could be part of the investment strategy, but we do not know because it has not been published. <BR /> <BR />I am not here to be negative, but I am also not here to do the power of positive thinking or to clap and cheerlead an Executive who are demonstrably failing to deliver for the people of the North. Our motion is about demanding better for the public in Northern Ireland. We are going to keep doing just that, because it does not have to be like this. Our job is to build something for the people who sent us here. I say to the Executive and all parties today: support our motion if you want to finally get down to building something.”
“Those of us who want to build a new Ireland — who are serious about that — need to use every lever that exists in the North to illustrate the kind of new Ireland that we want to build. Sinn Féin holds the key strategic economic Departments: not just the First Minister post but the Economy Department, which is in charge of our all-island electricity market; the Infrastructure Department, which is in charge of delivering — or not delivering — the all-island strategic rail review and, indeed, the A5; and the Finance Department, which is supposed to be pursuing greater fiscal powers and more devolution and independence from London but is not doing any of those things. None of those Sinn Féin-led Departments is doing anything to deliver on that agenda.”
“<BR /> <BR />Does it have to be like this? No, it does not. As the Opposition, our job is to call for and demand better. An investment strategy that sets out clear prioritisation of investment is absolutely critical. We all know that resources are finite and that the Executive have decisions to take and priorities to set: that is the point of an investment strategy. That investment strategy is urgent now, because we are going to have a multi-year Budget, we are told, by the end of this year. It will set out three-year plans for resource but, critically, four-year plans for capital. How can that four-year capital Budget be set if we do not have an investment strategy alongside it? Genuinely, I would love a Minister or some other member of an Executive party to tell me how. <BR /> <BR />Here is another thing.”
“<BR /> <BR />I come to waste water infrastructure. When I ask the Finance Minister and the Infrastructure Minister about that, they dismiss me. They ask, "Ah, but what is your plan? What is your plan?". We are the Opposition. They will not say what their plan is. There was talk for months about a developer levy. I do not know where we are on that plan or where we are on long-term investment in our waste water network, but every large business organisation and outside investor is clear that failure to invest in the waste water network will cost us progress. It will not just cost us theoretical economic growth; it will stop homes being built. A report said that it could stop 6,000 homes being built annually. It is preventing people from living their lives and having homes. It is preventing job creation. It is pathetic.”
“The Finance Minister and the Communities Minister bat it back and forth between one another. Extra money has come from the Irish and British Governments, but there is no plan for delivery from the Executive. <BR /> <BR />The all-island strategic rail review is an opportunity to decarbonise our economy and connect this island after the destruction of large parts of our rail network post partition. How many people in the Infrastructure Department are working on the all-island strategic rail review? I found out when I asked a question for written answer: it is 0·3 of an official. One third of a person is delivering what is in many ways the most important decarbonisation and public transport project on this island. That is shameful, so I will not apologise for being robust in calling out the Executive.”
“I come to the focus of our motion. Our motion is clear that the Executive have failed, not just to publish an investment strategy but to make progress on flagship projects. We name them in the motion. The A5 is a life-saving project that people, particularly west of the Bann and in County Tyrone — it is also hugely relevant to people in Donegal, Monaghan and Derry — have been promised for decades. Not only is it not making progress, it is stalled, in limbo and chaos, because of what appears to be unacceptable ineptitude from the Infrastructure Department and a Sinn Féin Minister. <BR /> <BR />Casement Park is a landmark stadium project in the heart of west Belfast, which is totally in limbo. There is no sign of progress. It is not even clear that it is being discussed properly at the Executive.”
“I will give credit when progress is made, when we finally see phase 2 of the Glider delivered and — as I am sure that Mr Brett would agree — night buses in Belfast. I will give credit for the opening of the wonderful new Grand Central station, but I am not going to be shy about complaining and demanding better for the public of the North.”
“We are more than a year on from the publication of the draft Programme for Government, and 10 months on from publication of the final Programme for Government, which promised an "upcoming investment strategy" that was going to set out how we were going to see prioritisation of road, rail, water, stadia, schools and hospitals. There is still no sign of when it is going to come. I asked the deputy First Minister the other day when it was going to come. She would not give me an answer — she who calls me "moaning Matthew" for doing my job and holding the Executive to account. I make absolutely no apology for moaning about failure. I make no apology for moaning about the state of our health service or the abysmal state of our public transport infrastructure compared with other regions.”
“It is, in effect, a road map for how the Executive intend to deliver critical infrastructure, not just transport infrastructure — although road and rail is an important part of it — but in schools, hospitals, waste water investment and stadia such as Casement Park, which Gaels and the people of west Belfast have been waiting for now for pretty much a generation. <BR /> <BR />The most-recent finalised investment strategy was in 2011. That document set out clearly what the Executive intended to do and build. They certainly did not deliver everything that was in that programme, but some of it was delivered, and it had a critical role in showing people in the public, private and third sectors what the Executive intended to deliver so that the public could hold them to account. They will not be able to do that now.”
“I appreciate the commentary from the Chair of the Executive Office Committee. In many ways, her intervention was politicking, and that is fine, because she, like me, is a politician. She, I think, agrees that dragging to the Chamber debates such as the one on dual language signage, when there are people out there who are on a waiting list or who are waiting to find out whether social homes will be built in their community, is petty politicking. That is what I am talking about. Back to my remarks, however. <BR /> <BR />Why do we need an investment strategy? First of all, what is an investment strategy? All the major economic and business representative groups are clear that Northern Ireland needs an investment strategy.”
“I will in one second. <BR /> <BR />Yesterday, the deputy First Minister accused me of being — I think that this is the phrase that she used — "moaning Matthew". I am more than happy to take that moniker if it means standing up for the people of the North, who were promised better than this and who deserve better than this. We in the Opposition make absolutely no apology for being robust in demanding better for the people. <BR /> <BR />I give way.”
“Infrastructure that can allow them to get safely and sustainably from their houses to their place of work or leisure. Those are the basic things that any society should want to deliver for its people. The Executive, it must be said, are failing at that. They are failing at delivery and failing to build. They are failing to build for the people of the North. Our motion is clear about that, and we make no apology for being robust in our criticism of the Executive. That is what "constructive" means.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. When we became the Opposition in February 2024, we were clear that we would be a constructive Opposition. We meant it then, and we mean it now. Being constructive does not just mean never criticising the Executive: it means criticising the Executive for the right reasons. Being constructive also means building and delivering things for the people of Northern Ireland. That is what today's motion is all about: delivery, delivery, delivery — and building real things that will improve the lives of people whatever their background, constitutional perspective or class. A health system that works, with modern hospitals that can treat them. A functioning water system that can give them clean drinking water and allow homes to be built.”
“No, I do not have time. <BR /> <BR />Why not say to them, "You do not have to be afraid. We can build something together in this place. It does not always have to be zero-sum."? That is what I say to my constituents when I talk about a new Ireland. I say, "Flags and British cultural expression are at the heart of my vision for a new Ireland." Would that all of you were a little bit more optimistic and hopeful for the people whom you claim to represent.”
“If the place name "Shandon Park" was translated into the English language, it would be "Old Fort Park." At a certain point, we have to be honest with ourselves and honest with the people who represent us. I am not suggesting that absolutely everybody in unionist communities is thrilled about the Irish language, but, first of all, they are dual language signs and, secondly, there are many people in those communities who are open-minded about the language and want to learn more about it. Just for a change, rather than reinforcing people's worst fears, why not say to them —”
“Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I acknowledge that many people do not feel attached to the Irish language. I say two things to that. The first is that our job as political representatives is not simply to reflect the worst fears of the people who elect us; sometimes, it is to reassure and even to challenge people. I can tell you — I mention the flag parallel briefly — that, when people talk to me about that, I say to them, "Bear in mind that this means something deep to your neighbours". Therefore, let us have a bit of empathy and grace and think better of one another. <BR /> <BR />The Irish language is a part of us all, whether we like it or not. The Member mentioned the name of his DEA, Lisnasharragh: where does that come from?”
“It talked about regulation and deeply objected to it.”
“The DUP tabled a motion about an aspect of cultural expression.”
“You may not, but that is what you imply. <BR /> <BR />We cannot get an agreed system for dealing with flags. Flags are not the issue that we are talking about: we should be talking about the Irish language.”
“Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. <BR /> <BR />Mr Brooks, you have just established one of the problems with that situation, which is that it relies on an informal system, effectively a client system, whereby people go and there is a boy whom they know who can have it —.”
“I will, Mr Brooks, in a second. <BR /> <BR />What Belfast City Council agreed was a policy to accommodate cultural expression. By the way, it is not exactly the same thing: they are not parallels at all. Many people who enjoy, celebrate and want to learn the Irish language are from unionist backgrounds. They are there, by the way, Mr Brooks. They are British and have that identity. However, there is no means of me regulating, for my constituents, the flags on the street corners, whether they are national flags or paramilitary flags. I put that point to some of the Members opposite. I presume that they will now enthusiastically support a system that allows for majority referenda for flags in streets. <BR /> <BR />I will give way to Mr Brooks.”
“— sometimes they use words that have an Anglo-Saxon origin — and they ask, "What about those flags in the street? I do not mind if they go up in July and there is an agreed process for getting them down". Those people are asking for a process and system of regulating a cultural expression that is not theirs.”
“They go to their elected representatives, but they have no means of ensuring that the flags come down or even of ensuring that there can be an agreed way of regulating them. Constituents often come up to me, as I am sure that they do with all Members, in the shop or even the pub, to talk about issues. Flags is one of the things that people regularly come up to me to talk about, sometimes in quite colourful language. They use words that are not necessarily as Gaeilge”
“It would be easy for me to castigate the DUP for the terms of the motion, because it is irresponsible and not really about getting to a place of greater understanding or discussion. It is about forcing a confrontation. However, before I come to that, I will acknowledge something that has been said, so that I am not accused of distorting views. It is obviously true that there are many unionist communities, especially working-class unionist communities, that are not greatly enthused about the Irish language. That is an obvious statement of fact. It is also true that, in communities that I represent in South Belfast, lots of people are not all that enthusiastic about the fact that flags fly, all the time, all year round, on the streets where they live.”
“. I am a very poor Irish speaker. I am not ashamed of that, but it is something that I would love to rectify, and I intend to do so. I want to learn Irish. I am trying to learn it with my kids. Like Sian Mulholland, I have very young children who are looking at the Irish language, exploring it, learning it and thinking about the place names — the places and the people — of the city that they live in and of other places that they visit on this island. In a strange way, thinking about it from first principles is important. It allows us a way into the debate.”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. I appreciate the fact that she is at least engaging in debate, unlike some of her counterparts. I do not have a copy of the Hansard report, but I am fairly certain that, when the SDLP and the Ulster Unionists brought forward their legislative programme way back 20-odd years ago, Seamus Mallon was able to say, "Yes, I will indeed vote for this legislation". I am afraid that you cannot do that today, deputy First Minister.”
“I will be brief. He talked about the Bill that he wanted to see. Lots of us wanted to see a Bill to create an independent environmental protection agency. I think that we had it confirmed today that the opportunity for that has timed out and that it cannot happen in this mandate. Is that his understanding as Chair of the relevant Committee?”
“It was in the Alliance Party's manifesto, and there is a review to look at it. I asked him whether it was going to be legislated for — because, if it is, it has to be in this legislation programme unless it is going to be introduced in January 2027 — but he did not tell me, and he responded with a churlish remark about my party. <BR /> <BR />Legislating is a profound trust that is placed in us by the people when we stand for election. It is at the core of our job title: "Legislative" is the middle bit. It should be at the core of a reforming Executive, but they are not a reforming Executive; they are a listless, limp Executive who are addicted to photo ops and chaos. The people of this region deserve better. The Opposition oppose the legislation programme, because it is absolutely pathetic.”
“Well, there we are. The appearance of unity from the Executive crumbles as soon as a question is asked. The DUP Chair of the Economy Committee stands up and says, "No, we cannot agree to this landmark employment Bill, because we have not seen it yet". What are the people of Northern Ireland to think? We had politics students in the Gallery earlier today: what example is it for them that they cannot even rely on an Executive being able to agree their own legislation programme? <BR /> <BR />Earlier, when I asked the Environment Minister, Mr Muir, a direct question about an independent environmental protection agency, which will have to be legislated for — it cannot be done via a memorandum of understanding (MOU) or a written ministerial statement — he said that he wants one.”
“I am happy to give way to the Chair of the Economy Committee if he wants to tell me.”
“<BR /> <BR />When we move on to some of the things that are supposed to be substantive, ambitious and reforming, there is no clarity about whether the Executive will support the legislative programme. For example, we know that workers' rights in this place have been left to languish for a very long time, while other parts of the island have updated workers' rights and employment legislation. There is no clarity yet from this document as to whether the Executive parties are going to support the long-delayed employment Bill from the Economy Minister. I am happy to give way to the deputy First Minister if she will confirm to me now that her party will support that Bill.”
“According to Standing Orders, it is supposed to be within, I believe, 14 or 20 days — I forget which — but they missed the deadline for tabling the legislative motion before the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />Let us look at what is in this "ambitious" legislative programme from the Executive. Most of it is technical or carry-over legislation. Indeed, some of it was carried over from the Executive's legislative programme in 2024. The First Minister and deputy First Minister have a penchant for long delays when it comes to implementing things. They certainly have a penchant for long delays when it comes to responding to Members' questions. However, when I first saw the legislative programme, back in 2024, I did not know that we would be looking at implementing it in 2026. Who knows?”
“I am happy to receive the clarification from the deputy First Minister. We wish the First Minister well. <BR /> <BR />However, the point remains that an Executive should be able to come to the Chamber and say, "Here is our legislative plan for the people of Northern Ireland. Yes, we have different views on the constitution. Yes, we face different ways on the left and right, but we have agreed on a set of priorities. We have agreed on what we need to deal with. We agree that we want to rescue Lough Neagh. We agree that we want to improve the health service. We agree that we want a more productive economy and better jobs for our workers, and that is what we will deliver". They cannot even do that. Not only that but the Executive were late.”
“<BR /> <BR />Is it any wonder that they did not? The motion that has been brought to the Assembly today does not ask Members to endorse the legislative programme. The motion does not say that the Assembly "supports" the legislation programme; it says that it "notes" the legislation programme. Does that look as though the Executive are confident in their delivery for the people of this region? They have brought forward a legislation programme and cannot even ask an Assembly that they dominate — nearly 80 out of the 90 MLAs in the Chamber represent Executive parties — to support their legislation programme. No wonder the First Minister has not even turned up today for the debate. <BR /> <BR />Let us go through what is in the motion.”
“You could have knocked me over with a feather when I saw, on a Friday, 10 days ago, that the legislative programme had arrived in my inbox. If the Executive are, according to their own Programme for Government, "Doing What Matters Most" and, as the deputy First Minister told me from the lectern just a few, short days ago, delivering for the people of Northern Ireland, and if they want to get out and tell people about all the positive things that they are doing, I would have thought that they would have issued a press release, held a press conference or come to the Chamber before now to explain their ambitious legislative programme. No, they did not even issue a press release for the media. The famously publicity-shy First Minister and deputy First Minister did not even issue a press release on the legislative programme.”
“This mandate. You are the Minister. I am asking you about this mandate.”
“Can you confirm whether the ship has now sailed on an independent EPA's being legislated for in this mandate?”
“Minister, I share your concern about a lack of clarity on investment in NI waste water, which is why I hope that you and your party will support our Opposition motion tomorrow on the need for an investment strategy to deal with these things. Another document that was published very quietly on Friday a week ago was the legislation programme for 2025-26. Your Department has only one Bill proposed in it. That goes right up until the end of 2026, so, presumably, that is the last iteration of current Executive legislation. It says that there will be a fisheries and water environment Bill. It does not specifically say that that will include provision for an independent environmental protection agency (EPA), but, presumably, that will be the last legislative vehicle for such a body to be created.”
“Minister, it goes without saying that I and my party stand in solidarity with you. Democracy means you being robustly held to account in the Chamber, and you are more than able to deal with that. However, what happened was contemptible. A family home is sacrosanct, so we stand in solidarity with you. <BR /> <BR />In relation to sentencing provisions in the Bill, are you and your officials looking at the intersection between racism and the continuing prevalence of paramilitarism? Will there be an attempt to create compound sentencing provisions and aggravating factors for membership of proscribed organisations? What message is being sent by the continued engagement of your ministerial colleagues with organisations such as the Loyalist Communities Council?”
“The Palestinian state is run from the West Bank and is led by Fatah, which is an entirely different political movement, but I am afraid that it just speaks to some of the misinformed polemic that we hear from across the Chamber when it comes to those issues. <BR /> <BR />I hope today that there is a moment of peace for all those tens of thousands of Gazans who have lost their lives. I am glad to see the hostages returned. They should never have been taken in the first place. Like others, I hope and pray for progress.”
“They have dissociated themselves from the genocide that has happened by their state — they have called it a genocide, by the way — but, for them to live in security, alongside that, there has to be a durable Palestinian state, living in peace and justice in Gaza and the West Bank. Gaza has been reduced to rubble. There will have to be accountability for the war crimes that were perpetrated against innocent Gazans. The West Bank is being systematically hollowed out by settler aggression and terrorism. Those issues will have to be dealt with going forward. <BR /> <BR />Mr Givan was wrong, by the way, when he said that Hamas is in charge of the Palestinian state. That is incorrect.”
“The peace plan is welcome, but I will not say, "Thank you" to Donald Trump, as some Members opposite want us to. I think that President Trump is a force for destruction in the world. On this occasion, I welcome the fact that there has been specific progress in relation to peace, so I will not be churlish about that, but there is a long, long way to go. I hope that there is a glimmer of progress for peace and stability in that region and the pathway to a viable and just Palestinian state. <BR /> <BR />Lots has been said about the security of Israel. It is important to say, although it has not been acknowledged, that many hundreds of thousands of Israelis have been wholly opposed to the regime of Benjamin Netanyahu.”
“We, as individual representatives, need to take a long, hard look at ourselves if we cannot acknowledge that scale of human loss.”
“First, I pause and reflect on a moment of hope amid a world that is frightening, divided and full of destruction. The release of the hostages who are living, and, hopefully, the speedy release of remains, is something that any human being with an ounce of morality has to welcome. The actions of Hamas on 7 October were not just wrong but appalling and against the interests of the Palestinian people. I have no difficulty with saying that. It has to be said. However, some of the Members opposite who have made related points cannot bring themselves to acknowledge the more than 60,000 Palestinians, many of whom were children, who have been killed in the past two years. Frankly, I find it unconscionable that Members can fail to acknowledge those lost lives.”
“The Committee supports the motion to approve the regulations.”
“I put on record a particular acknowledgement of our erstwhile colleague Mr Paul Frew MLA, who is most assiduous in following these matters, to put it diplomatically, and it is somewhat strange that he is not here to debate the rules. I thank him for his contribution and the close attention that he has paid to these matters over the past number of years. Hopefully, we will have primary legislation on the statute books very soon. I acknowledge the good collaborative working between the officials, the Minister and the Committee to progress the Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill. It is a positive piece of legislation, particularly as Baby Loss Awareness Week starts either tomorrow or on Thursday. It is a positive example of the Committee, Minister and officials working together.”
“<BR /> <BR />On 10 September 2025, the Committee agreed that it was content with the proposed statutory rule and to extend the temporary provisions under the Coronavirus Act until 24 March 2026. The Department has indicated that the Bill will have completed its legislative process by that time, and no further extensions will be required. The Committee considered the statutory rule on 1 October 2025. The Examiner of Statutory Rules recommended that the rule be approved by the Assembly. <BR /> <BR />As we hope this is the last time that the regulations will be brought to the Assembly, I thank the departmental officials for keeping the Committee abreast of the laying of regulations and the development of the Deaths, Still-Births and Baby Loss Bill.”